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our counsels are confounded, like those of the builders of Babel, and that our States are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one another's throats.

Thus I consent, Sir, to this Constitution, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure that this is not the best. The opinion I have had of its errors I sacrifice to the public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they were born, and here they shall die. If every one of us, in returning to his constituents, were to report the objections he has had to it, and endeavor to gain partisans in support of them, we might prevent its being generally received, and thereby lose all the salutary effects and great advantages resulting naturally in our favor among foreign nations, as well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent unanimity.

Much of the strength and efficacy of any government, in procuring and securing happiness to the people, depends on opinion, on the general opinion of the goodness of that government, as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its governors. I hope, therefore, that for our own sakes, as a part of the people, and for the sake of our posterity, we shall act heartily and unanimously in recommending this constitution, wherever our influence may extend, and turn our future thoughts and endeavors to the means of having it well administered.

Ex. LXXXV-THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

Speech in Convention, June, 1788.

EDMUND RANDOLPH.

*

LET us consider the definition of a republican government, as laid down by a highly esteemed political philoso

* This debate between Randolph and Patrick Henry did not take place at the time of framing the Constitution, but in the following year, when a Convention was held in Virginia, (as in the other states,) for the purpose of ratifying it. Mr. Randolph had voted against the Constitution in the original Convention, but yielded his opinion in deference to what he believed to be the public good. He was afterwards Governor of Virginia, Attorney-General of the United States, and Secretary of State.

pher. Montesquieu, so celebrated among politicians, says, "that a republican government is that in which the body, or only a part of the people, is possessed of the supreme power; a monarchical, that in which a single person governs by fixed and established laws; a despotic government, that in which a single person, without law and without rule, directs everything by his own will and caprice." This great man has not distinguished a republican government from a monarchy by the extent of its boundaries, but by the nature of its principles.

When laws are made with integrity, and executed with wisdom, the question is, whether a great extent of country will tend to abridge the liberty of the people. If defensive force be necessary in proportion to the extent of country, I conceive that in a judiciously constructed government, be the country ever so extensive, the inhabitants will be proportionably numerous and able to defend it. Extent of country, in my conception, ought to be no bar to the adoption of a good government. No extent on earth seems to me to be too great, provided the laws be wisely made and executed. The principles of representation and responsibility may pervade a large as well as a small territory; and tyranny is as easily introduced into a small as into a large district. If it be answered, that some of the most illustrious and distinguished authors are of a contrary opinion, I reply, that authority has no weight with me until I am convinced; that not the dignity of names, but the force of reasoning, gains my assent.

I have labored for the continuance of the Union-the rock of our salvation. I believe that as surely as there is a God in heaven, our safety, our political happiness and existence depend on the union of the States; and that without that union, the people of this and the other States will undergo all the unspeakable calamities which discord, faction, turbulence, war and bloodshed have produced in other countries. The American spirit ought to be mixed with American pride-pride to see the Union magnificently triumph. Let that glorious pride which once defied the British thunder, re-animate you again! Let it not be recorded of Americans, that after having performed the most gallant exploits -after having overcome the most astonishing difficultiesafter having gained the admiration of the world by their incomparable valor and policy, they lost their acquired reputation by their own indiscretion. Let no future historian in

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form posterity that they wanted wisdom and virtue to concur in any regular efficient government.

Should any writer, doomed to so disagreeable a task, feel the indignation of an honest historian, he would reprehend and recriminate our folly, with equal severity and justice. Catch the present moment, seize it with avidity and eagerness, for it may be lost, never to be regained. If the union be now abandoned, I fear it will remain so forever. I believe gentlemen are sincere in their opposition, and actuated by pure motives; but when I maturely weigh the advantages of the union, and dreadful consequences of its dissolution; when I see safety on my right, and destruction on my left; when I behold respectability and happiness acquired by the one, but annihilation by the other, I can not hesitate to de`cide in favor of the former.

Ex. LXXXVI.—THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

Speech in Convention, June, 1788.

PATRICK HENRY.

THE honorable gentleman, Sir, has said a great deal about the figure we cut in the eyes of foreign nations, and the contemptible aspect in which we must be viewed by France and Holland; all of which, according to the notes I have taken, he attributes to the imbecility of our government. It appears, then, that an opinion has gone forth that we are a contemptible people. The time has been, Sir, when we were thought otherwise. Under this very same despised government, we commanded the respect of all Europe; wherefore are we now reckoned otherwise? Why, because the American spirit has flown from us, and gone to regions where it never was expected.

It has gone to the people of France in search of a splendid government-a strong and energetic government. Shall we imitate the example of those nations who have fallen from a simple to a splendid government? Are those nations so very worthy of our imitation? What can make an adequate satisfaction to them for the evils they have suffered in purchasing such a government at the loss of their liber

ty? If we admit this consolidated government, it can be for no other reason but because we like a great and gorgeous one. In some way or other, it seems we must have a great and mighty empire; we must have an army; we must have a navy; we must have a number of fine things. When the American spirit was in its youth the language of America was different; liberty, Sir, liberty was then the primary object. We then acted as they might be expected to act, who are descended from a people that founded their government on liberty. Our glorious forefathers of Great Britain made liberty the foundation of everything. That country is become a great, a mighty and a splendid nation; not because its government is strong and energetic, but because liberty is its direct end and its foundation. We derived the spirit of liberty from our British ancestors; by that spirit we have triumphed over every difficulty.

But now, Sir, the American spirit, assisted by the ropes and chains of consolidation, is about to convert this country into a powerful and mighty empire. If you make the citizens of this country agree to become the subjects of one great consolidated" EMPIRE OF AMERICA," your government will not have sufficient energy to keep them together. Such a government is incompatible with the genius of republicanism.

Ex. LXXXVII.—THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

Speech in Convention, June, 1788.

PATRICK HENRY.

THE gentleman has said a great deal about disunion and of the dangers that are to arise from it-when we are on the subject of union and dangers, let me ask him how will his present doctrine hold with what has happened. Is it consistent with that noble and disinterested conduct which he displayed on a former occasion? Did he not tell us that he withheld his signature? Where, then, were the dangers that now appear to him so formidable? He saw all America eagerly confident that the result of their deliberations would remove their distresses. He saw all America acting under the impulses of hope, expectation and anxiety, arising from their situation, and their partiality for the members of

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that convention; yet his enlightened mind, knowing that system to be defective, magnanimously and nobly refused its approbation.

He was not led by the illumined-the illustrious few. He was actuated by the dictates of his own judgment; and a better judgment than I can form. He did not stand out of the way of information. He must have been possessed of every intelligence. What alteration has a few months brought about? The internal difference between right and wrong does not fluctuate: that is immutable. I ask this question as a public man, and out of no particular view. I wish as such, to consult every source of information, in order to form my judgment on so awful a question. I had the highest respect for the honorable gentleman's abilities. I considered his opinion as a great authority. He taught me, Sir, in spite of the approbation of that great federal convention, to doubt the propriety of that system. When I found my honorable friend in the number of those who doubted, I began to doubt also. I coincided with him in opinion. I shall be a stanch and faithful disciple of his. I applaud that magnanimity which led him to withhold his signature. If he thinks now differently, he is as free as I am. Such is my situation that, as a poor individual, I look for information everywhere. This government is so new, Sir, that it wants a name. wish its other novelties were as harmless as this. He told us we had an American dictator in 1781. We never had an American president. In making a dictator we follow the example of the most glorious, magnanimous and skilful nations. In great dangers this power has been given. Rome has furnished us with an illustrious example. America wanted a person worthy of that trust-she looked to Virginia for him, and she found him there. We gave a dictatorial power to hands that used it gloriously; and which was rendered still more glorious by surrendering it up.

I

We have seen the sons of Cincinnatus, without splendid magnificence or parade, going, with the genius of their great progenitor, to the plough. Men who served their country without ruining it-men who had served it to the destruction of their private patrimonies-their country owing them amazing amounts, for the payment of which no adequate provision was then made. We have seen such men throw prostrate their arms at your feet. They did not call for those emoluments which ambition presents to sordid imaginations. The soldiers, who were able to command everything, instead

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