glish Parliaments, is an adherence to national faith, and respect for the national honor. (Cheers.) These are the two questions which cannot be compromised under any circumstances whatsoever---the cause of national faith, and the cause of national honour. (Hear.) Sir, if I did not consider the present question as completely falling within both these cases---if I was not intimately satisfied, that the national faith and the national honor were alike interested on this occasion---I should not dare to address the House of Commons, as I now do, in the full and unlimited confidence (almost amounting to conviction) that the most gracious communication made to Parliament, by his Majesty, will meet with that reply from Parliament which his Majesty expects. Viewing the matter as I do, I shall beg leave to proceed, first, to a simple statement and review of facts; in order, the better to bring the case under the cognizance of Parliament, in the shortest and clearest form I can devise, and of which the subject itself is susceptible. Before entering into the consideration of any collateral circumstances connected with the subject, I shall state shortly the situation of the case, which, as it appears to me, resolves itself into a case of national law, and a question of fact. With regard to the fact, on the one hand, that is now to be brought under the consideration of Parliament, as it has previously been submitted to the attention of his Majesty's Government; Sir, in my mind it is impossible to consider that fact in any other light than that in which it presented itself to the minds of his Majesty's Ministers; and I think it equally impossible for Parliament and Government (taking such a view of the case) to come to any other decision than that contemplated in his Majesty's Message. Among the relations of alliance and amity by which, at different periods of her history, this country has connected herself with the other nations of Europe, there exist no treaties so old in their date---none so constant in their duration---and, I may add, not one so precise in the obligations it imposes upon both countries, and so intimately interwoven with the line of policy adopted by Great Britain in its foreign relations, as are the treaties of amity and alliance formed between this country and the kingdom of Portugal. Sir, I may be excused for calling the attention of the House to the fact, that our most remote history contains (I may add, the most brilliant periods of our history are those which contain) notices of the treaties of

alliance, amity, and guarantee, subsisting between the King of Great Britain and his Portuguese Majesty. The good understanding thus created between the two countries began early, and has continued long. It has survived a variety of conflicting interests and circumstances, which, in the course of events, from time to time, have naturally and unavoidably arisen. It is much older than the epoch to which I am about to advert, when the good understanding previously subsisting between the two states acquired fresh vigour on the occasion of the present family of Portugal ascending the throne of that kingdom. From the period when the House of Braganza was placed at the head of the monarchy of Portugal, friendly relations have subsisted between that family and the reigning one in this country---relations which were continued without interruption, and renewed with sincerity, on, I will say, both parts. It has been adhered to in periods when the faith of other alliances has been shaken; it has been vindicated in those fields of blood and glory which remain among the most brilliant pages of the history of England. (Hear, hear.) Sir, in that alliance we have always been scrupulously faithful. Sometimes, I admit, we have found the treaty burthensome to maintain---of that, there can be no question; and many are those who may have wished us to shake it off, and free ourselves from the incumbrance of observing it---but a feeling of national honor, and what I may be allowed to denominate a sentiment of national sympathy, joined to a common interest, and a cause identified with that country, has induced England to persevere, unterrified by the difficulties attendant upon a continuance of the relations subsisting between us and Portugal. Sir, I feel the considerations to which I have more particularly adverted present too narrow and limited a view of the case. It is not only among ages long gone by, and in treaties now superseded by time and the course of events, that traces are discoverable of the relation in which Portugal has been considered to stand in regard to Great Britain; for in the latest compact entered into between the nations of modern Europe---that which now forms the patent law of the civilized world---I allude, Sir, to the Convention of Vienna---a similar course was taken in the treaty then entered into between this country and Portugal. (Hear.) At that period, Sir, Great Britain was well aware of the inconveniences which many individuals were fond of representing as arising out of

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our connexion with Portugal; but we were also aware of the credit, and, I will add, advantage derivable from that connexion; and we renewed our obligations to uphold and support Portugal, on future occasions, in terms so strong and imperative, as to lay a foundation perfectly adequate to support the present proceeding. The terms of that treaty I will take leave to read to the House previous to calling on it to concur in the vote, with the proposal of which it is my intention to conclude. The third article of the treaty between Great Britain and Portugal, concluded at Vienna on the 22d of February, 1815, stated, that "the treaty of alliance entered into between "his Britannic Majesty and the King of "Portugal, at Rio de Janeiro, was founded "on circumstances of a temporary nature, "which had now happily ceased to exist: " and, on that ground, the provisions of the "treaty should be considered null and "void, as relating to all the parties inte"rested: however, without prejudice to "the ancient and established treaties of "alliance, friendship, and guarantee, which "had so long and happily subsisted between "the two countries: these treaties being "now renewed by the high contracting 66 parties, and acknowledged to remain "in full force and effect." In order that the House may fully understand, and accurately appreciate, the effect of the observations which the perusal of this treaty is calculated to excite, I may be permitted to explain the previous circumstances of Portugal, and the condition of the reigning family in that country. In the year 1807, when, by the declaration of Buonaparte, the House of Braganza ceased to reign, the King of Portugal, under the advice of his Britannic Majesty's Government, set sail for the Brazils, and established in that country the seat of his Monarchy. This step was taken by virtue of a secret convention concluded between this country and Portugal, to the effect, that so long as the House of Braganza remained in that part of their dominions, or in the event of their return, his Britannic Majesty would never acknowledge any other dynasty on the throne of Portugal than the family of Braganza. I may be allowed to remark, that this convention greatly contributed to the furtherance of a proceeding which placed that family beyond the power of Buonaparte, and consequently promoted the ascendancy of British interests in the Peninsula. It was this secret convention that brought about the emigration, and greatly contributed to decide that step by

which the Royal Family of Portugal was removed from the power of France. The King of Portugal having become established upon his throne, the article ceased to be a secret, and was made a part of the Law of Nations by the Treaty of 1810, and from that time up to the Treaty of Vienna. It was clearly understood throughout Europe, that we had determined not to acknowledge any Sovereign in Portugal, except a member of the House of Braganza. But that determination arose solely from the supposition that that Sovereign would be compelled to a forced residence in Brazil. Beyond this it was not binding upon us, as it was felt that the moment the ground of the obligation ceased, there was an end to the treaty. It happened, in consequence of the happy conclusion of the war, that the option of returning was offered to his Majesty, and as it was felt that the force, of such a previous obligation no longer existed, the forcible separation from Portugal not continuing, it was deemed reasonable that we should perform such other obligation as the force of existing treaties rendered imperative upon us. The King of Portugal came into possession of his European dominions, the ground of our former obligation ceased, and the Treaty was so far ended. But, when that treaty was so far ended, there came another obligation, which I have just now read to the House. That treaty, I may be allowed to say, was repealed without prejudice to other ancient treaties of friendship and alliance; treaties so long and so happily subsisting, between the two Crowns of Portugal and Great Britain, which were, to a certain extent, renewed by the two high contracting parties, and which were, to this day, of full force and effect. I should also state, that, if all the treaties to which this paragraph referred, were, by some convulsion of nature, or some other accident, consigned to total oblivion, I consider Great Britain to be morally bound to fulfil her obligations---(Hear, hear, hear)---and that, in case of necessity, she would be bound, and is bound, to act in the defence of Portugal. (Continued cries of hear, hear.)--But, happily, that is not the case; all the preceding treaties are in existence---they are in the full knowledge of all the civi lized nations of the world---they are of easy reference to all mankind---they are known to Spain---to all the Continental States of Europe---they are so numerous, and the result of the whole is so clear, that I shall merely select one or two of them, with a view to shew the nature of our ob