it should be fulfilled, in every sense, was as solemnly given, to Portugal on the one hand, and to England and to France on the other---a treaty which was entered into on one day and violated the next; and not violated in one instance only, but in many ---for the deserters from Portugal, who were to be so dispersed, and so rendered innoxious, were suffered to remain quietly in their despots, in which they were trained for action; and, in fact, fitted for that expedition which they have since undertaken ---I say, after such perfidy, the blame of which must rest somewhere, it becomes a necessary act, on the part of the Spanish Government, to shew that it rests not there ---to shew that the fault was not only not theirs, that it in no way originated with them-- to shew that they were ready at all times, and under all circumstances, to fulfil the engagement, and to perform the promise they had made, not only to Portugal, but to England and to France. I have said that this promise was made to France as well as to England, and I should do an act of injustice towards that country, if I did not add, that the exertions of France, to induce its performance, have been as unceasing, though as fruitless, as those of Great Britain. At length, when information of the irruption into Portugal was received in France, the French Ministry recalled their Ambassador from the Court of Spain, and directed the Charge d'Affaires, who remained in his room, to inform the Court of Spain, that it was to look for no encouragement or support from France, and recommending to Spain to recant the sentiments to which she had given utterance, and to pursue a line of conduct of a very different character. I am therefore bound to say, that this Nation has exerted herself in a way that may be deemed most satisfactory. Sir, it will be well for Spain, on hearing of the step that we, in consequence of the Message from his Majesty, are now taking, to consider, as I have said, how she will meet the call we are about to make. My earnest hope is, that she will meet it in such a manner as will put a stop to consequences where I devoutly wish they should stop, and I will not therefore pursue this portion of the subject, by arguing upon those consequences which, my hope is, may be averted. I set out by saying, that there were many reasons which induced me to think, that nothing short of a point of national honor could make desirable any approximation to the danger of war---but let me be distinctly understood as not meaning that I dread war in a good cause---and I trust, that in no other will it

ever be the lot of this country to engage--that I dread war from a distrust of our powers and of our resources to meet it--No. I dread it upon far other grounds. I dread it, because I am conscious of the tremendous power which this country possesses, of pushing any war in which she may now be engaged, to consequences, at the bare contemplation of which I shudder. It will be recollected, that when, some years ago, I took the liberty of adverting to a topic of this nature, when it was referred to in this House, with respect to the position of this country at the present time, I then stated, that our position was not merely one of neutrality between contending nations, but between contending principles and opinions---that it was a position of neutrality, which alone preserved the balance of power, the maintenance of which I believed necessary to the safety and welfare of Europe. Nearly four years, or rather three years and a half, of experience, have confirmed, and not altered, the opinion I then declared; and I still fear, that the next war in Europe, if it should spread beyond the narrow compass of Portugal and Spain, will be a war of the most tremendous nature---(Hear, hear,)---because it will be a war of conflicting opinions; and I know that, if the interests and the honor of this country should oblige us to enter into it, although we might enter into it, as I trust we shall always do, with a firm desire to mitigate rather than to exasperate---to contend with arms, and not with opinions---yet I know that this country could not avoid seeing ranked under her banners all the restless, and all the dissatisfied, whether with cause, or without cause, of every nation, with which she might be placed at variance. I say, Sir, the consciousness of this fact---the knowledge that there is in the hands of this country such a tremendous power---(hear, hear, hear,)---induces me to feel as I do feel. But it is one thing "to have a Giant's 'strength," and another thing to use it "like a Giant." The consciousness that we have this power keeps us safe. Our business is not to seek out opportunities for displaying it, but to keep it, so that it may be hereafter shewn that we knew its proper use---and to shrink from converting the umpire into the oppressor :--

66

-Ceisa sedet olus arce, Sceptra tenens: mollitq; animos et temperat iras.

Ni faciat, maria ac terras cœlumq; profundum

Quippe ferant rapidi secum, verrantq; per

auras.

Sir, the consequences of the letting loose of

those passions which are all chained up, may be such as would lead to a scene of desolation, such as no one can, for a moment, contemplate without horror, and such as I could never lie easy upon my couch, if I had the consciousness of having, by one hour, precipitated. This, then, is the reason---a reason the reverse of fear---a reason the contrary of disability, why I dread the recurrence of a war. That this reason may be felt by those who are acting on opposite principles, before the time for using our power shall arrive, I would bear much, and I would forbear long; I would almost put up with any thing that did not touch our national faith and national honor, rather than let slip the furies of war, the leash of which is in our hands, while we know not whom they may reach, and doubt where the devastation may end. (Continued cheering.) Such is the love of peace which the British Government acknowledges, and such the duty of peace which the circumstances of the world inculcate. (Cheers from all sides.) In obedience to this conviction, and with the hope of avoiding extremities, I will push no further the topics of this part of the Address. Let us defend Portugal, whoever may be the assailants, because it is a work of duty; and let us end where that duty ends. We go to Portugal-not to rule--not to dictate---not to prescribe laws---we go but to plant there the standard of England, that there foreign dominion shall not come."

The Right Honorable Gentleman then sat down, evidently much exhausted, amid the warmest greetings from both sides of the House. He immediately rose again, and stated, that the Address which he had to move, was merely an echo of his Majesty's gracious Message to the House, pledging the House to support his Majesty in any measure for the preservation and welfare of Portugal, our most ancient Ally.

Sir ROBERT WILSON said, when his Majesty, in addressing the House of Commons on the opening of the session of Parliament, declared his hopes of preserving the peace of Europe, no one doubted that this sentiment proceeded from a British King, conscious that he spoke the feelings of the people, and that he considered the national honor and good faith as the brightest gems in his crown. But he (Sir R. Wilson), knowing the treacherous character of one of the individuals with whom this country had to deal, felt considerable anxiety on this point, and had but little expectations that his Majesty's hopes, and the hopes of the people, would

He

be realized. In alluding to the conduct of Spain towards Portugal, as he did a few evenings since, his only intention was to bring the matter before the House, in the confident hope that his Majesty's Ministers would do what was right with reference to it, and not to make his motion as the ground of hostility. His Majesty's Ministers had now brought this subject forward, and had told the House that Portugal would be protected by this country, under all circumstances, from foreign aggression. had been, indeed, afraid that our Government would have withheld its support from Portugal, and its interference in her behalf, until the Portuguese deserters and a Spanish army had been at the gates of her capital; and he dreaded lest her worthiest citizens should perish on the scaffold, or, like other sufferers, in a similar cause, be compelled to seek, in a foreign land, relief, as unhappy exiles from their own. What else would have happened, if a Spanish army had reached the seat of the Portuguese government? He (Sir R. W.) had felt it his duty to take the course he had pursued, not from any unjustifiable feelings against any Government, but to defend those principles of which the Right Honorable Gentleman had that evening been the able advocate. But, in some respects, the Right Honorable Gentleman had rather loosely stated the causes which compelled Portugal to apply to us for protection against the aggressions of Spain, for in his (Sir R. W.'s) opinion, there could be no question of the Portuguese deserters having been not only countenanced, but armed and equipped, by Spain. How else could they have appeared with such power. But what hope, what reliance, was there to be placed on the declaration of a Government and of a Sovereign---he did not wish to say barsh things---who had signed at Cadiz one day a law of amnesty, which he declared was the nearest and the dearest to his heart; and, on the next day, with the same hand, signed an order for a proscription the most horrid and most infamous? It was vain to expect that such a being would reform. What hope was there in the faith of him who had sent to ask the Pope if it were religiously binding on him to keep an oath assenting to a Constitution which his heart abhorred? What trust could there be placed in such an one? France might be sincere in her professions; but so long as her troops should remain in Spain, so long must they continue to aid the machinations of the persecuting party. We were bound also to call for the evacuation of Spain by

the armies of France, by a consideration of our own interests; for so long as she shall continue to occupy Spain, so long must we keep up our establishments. (Hear.) As soon ought a man to discontinue a policy of insurance on his house while an incendiary was hovering round it with a firebrand in his hand, as for Great Britain to discontinue the armaments which the occupation of Spain by France imperatively called for. (The Honorable Member here referred to the Address or Proclamation of King Ferdinand.) It was to be hoped that Ferdinand was sincere---but the House should recollect it was not against him that we were about to act, but against his Ministers, and for the protection of our Ally. The Right Honorable Gentleman had said that a great majority of the Spanish people were favorable to an absolute Government ---that they hated all liberal institutions. But the Right Honorable Gentleman would excuse him for disagreeing with him on that point, for he well recollected that the revolt in the Isle of Leon was followed spontaneously by a rising in every town of Spain, without a single shot being fired. The same thing would again occur if the French troops were withdrawn. The only way by which a knowledge of public opinion in Spain could be arrived at---the only occasion on which it could be seen, whether or not the Spanish people preferred a state of servility to one of independence---would be, by procuring the evacuation of that country by the army of France. He

should endeavour to avoid touching upon any topic that might lead, on the present occasion, to disunion and dissension. He had only appeared at the call of Ministers, who, while they were losing no opportunity to bring the contest, if contest it could yet be called, to a successful issue, came forward to request the concurrence of the House in the measures for insuring that success. In conducting a struggle of that nature, economy, carried beyond a certain point, would completely defeat its own object; but while he agreed in that opinion, he would call upon Ministers to exercise sound judgment and discretion, and to avoid burdening the people beyond the absolute necessity of the case. It was impossible to foresee or calculate upon the issue of a war---but he would say, that never did a nation go forth to battle under more honorable circumstances. We had God and Justice on our side---the result could not be unfavorable to us. (Cheers.)

Mr. HUME rose, and was received with loud murmurs.---When they had subsided,

the Honorable Member said, that after the manner in which his Honorable and Gallant Friend's speech had been received, he did not expect his own would be heard with more attention. Entertaining, as he did, opinions at variance with the Honorable Members who had preceded him, he should feel, nevertheless, that he would be deserting his duty, were he not to come forward, and state openly and boldly, his own view of the question. It was very true, that the appeal of the Right Honorable Secretary had been more warmly answered by his (Mr. Hume's) side of the House, than by his (the Right Honorable Gentleman's) own; but if he were to give an opinion upon that appeal, he must say that in making it, when stating the situation in which late events had placed the country, the Right Honorable Gentleman had taken a view of only one side of the question, The Right Honorable Secretary had referred to the treaties with Portugal, and stated them, no doubt, correctly. He (Mr. Hume) regretted that such treaties existed. He regretted that any treaty had ever been concluded, by which this country was supposed bound to answer a call for assistance at a time when the situation of the country calling for aid, rendered it impossible that we could expect any return. (A laugh.) It was very true that the Right Honorable Gentleman said merely, "Here they are," defending all those treaties---but he had gone on to state that so late as the year 1815, those treaties had been sanctioned, and that it remained for British Ministers, and a British Parliament, to say, "will you answer a call au"thorised by treaties, founded on (what the "Right Honorable Gentleman termed) the

patent law of Nations?" If he (Mr. Hume) could see the case made out, which the Right Honorable Gentleman had attempted to state, he might not perhaps differ from his conclusion. He might be induced to agree that there were grounds for the proceedings recommended, but not in the rash manner proposed. He would call upon the House to recollect the opposite doctrine held by the Right Honorable Gentleman, on an occasion not very remote, (the year 1823) in which he (Mr. Secretary Canning) had pointed out what might be the consequences to this country, of involv ing us in a war in the then existing state of politics. With such a prospect before us as now presents itself, the Right Honorable Gentleman seemed to be quite unacquainted, for he had passed by the most important question,---namely, was England so situated as to be able to undergo the

trials that possibly awaited her---and of enduring those additional burdens, the infliction of which might be rendered necessary by the step we were about to take. The Right Honorable Gentleman asked, were we to commit a breach of national

honor and faith? Now he (Mr. Hume)

would recommend that if such a breach were to be committed, it should not be upon ourselves at home; for, if a war should follow, to that it must lead. He would call upon the House, therefore, to consider whether a case had been made out by the Right Honorable Gentleman to warrant our taking the step he had recommended. The Honorable Member here dwelt at considerable length upon the shortness of the notice which the House was called upon to act. The first intelligence referred to had only been received on Friday night---the Privy Council had only been held upon Saturday---this morning only, additional information had been received---yet, at this moment, troops were absolutely on their march, so that the peace of the country was already absolutely at stake. A fearful state of things of itself, independent of the contingent misfortunes that may arise. What were the grounds stated by the Right Honorable Gentleman in his call for the concurrence of that House? He read certain treaties by which we were bound, if a Foreign Power should attack Portugal, to go to her assistance. But no man could expect that we should be bound by a treaty, which, in every other particular, was broken up. The Right Honorable Gentleman said, however, that we were bound, and declared his intention to plant the standard of England in Portugal, and to prevent foreign interference with that country.---Now, he would ask the Right Honorable Gentleman ---he would ask the House---had he made out a casus fæderis, on which to call upon that House to launch into a probably expensive war?--- The Honorable Gentleman had gone on, and stated, that certain Portuguese soldiers, after having been some time in Spain, had re-entered Portugal in arms. But he (Mr. Hume) would contend, that that circumstance was insufficient, for the Spanish Government had disclaimed any intention to support those rebels. The British Government was, up to the present moment, acting upon the authority of a single letter. Upon such authority he (Mr. Hume) contended the House would not be justified in acting. The Honorable Member here again referred to the speech of Mr. Secretary Canning delivered about three years and a half before, in which he said

the Right Honorable Gentleman had dwelt upon the necessity for preserving our neutrality, and recommended unanimity, his object at that time having been to dissuade the country from interfering in the hostilities then about to commence. But he (Mr. Hume) would contend that the necessity for our armed interference was as great on the former occasion, as upon the present evening, on which the Right Honorable Gentleman called the House to concur with him in rushing into a war. If a war were just and necessary now, it was equally necessary in 1823. He would ask the Right Honorable Gentleman and the House, whether the state of the country now differed from that at which that Right Honorable Gentleman had asked, "Is there a man "who hears me; is there any man acI quainted with the history of the country "for the last twenty years, who does not "know the way in which Great Britain "has been accustomed to enter into a war "--that she spares no exertion, no means "of ensuring its successful termination--

no means of exciting others to resistance "of the common enemy; and that the whole

"

expense, not only of her own operations, "but of those she has stimulated, have been "uniformly borne by her?" (Hear, hear.) Did the Right Honorable Gentleman mean to say that the same observations could not be applied in the present case, and that we were not now to take upon ourselves the whole expense? If we were, he would ask the Right Honorable Secretary, were we, on account of the incursion of an inconsiderable body of rebels, to enter upon a war at a time when the finances of Great Britain were scarcely adequate to our current expenses, at a time when there was scarcely an Honorable Member of that House who could put his hand upon his heart and say, that additional burdens ought to be imposed upon the people---not to support a necessary war, but a quarrel that might, and ought to be, avoided? (Hear.) Here we were about to commence hostilities which might, and in all probability would, end in a war with France; and it was for the Right Honorable Gentleman to say, was he disposed to place the country in a situation calculated to produce such an event? On the former occasion, the Right Honorable Gentleman, so far from recommending our participation in a war, had come down to that House and proposed that Foreign Enlistment Bill to which Spain owed all her misfortunes, by preventing the Constitutional Government from being able to defend itself. Instead of agreeing to the Address proposed, he had

expected that some of his Honorable friends about him would have moved for a call of the House, in order that all the Members of that New Parliament should be assembled, that there should be time for deliberation, that more information from Spain should be received, ere that country should be placed in so critical a situation as that which was likely to result from the Address before the House. "I recollect "(continued the Honorable Member) at a "future day not very far distant, (Loud "laughter) I mean a subsequent day, when "the Right Honorable Gentleman came "down to this House, and made a state"ment completely at variance, in its prin66 ciple, with that which he has this night "delivered." The Honorable Gentleman proceeded to say, that he thought the conduct of the French Government, at the period when the Duke of Wellington went over to negociate, was quite as objectionable as at present, yet he had not recommended war. If France were sincere in her professed desire to repress the improper conduct of the Spanish Government, we were not called upon to make a warlike demonstration. If the Right Honorable Gentleman believed the French Ministers sincere, let him call upon them to say so--let him call upon them to withdraw the French troops from Spain, and leave the Spanish Government to settle quietly with that of Portugal. We found that French troops were in possession of Spain, and English troops would soon be in possession of Portugal. It was not against the head of the Spanish Government we were about to wage war, but with a set of fanatics, who, in France, as well as in Spain, had labored to produce this crisis. It was impossible that Ferdinand could continue to maintain himself in Spain, unless supported by foreign power. Thus, if the speech of the Right Honorable Gentleman should be taken from the beginning to the end, the latter part would be found an answer to the first. The Right Honorable Gentleman said, as a precautionary measure, the dogs of war should be let slip. (A laugh.) But he had let them slip, and they were absolutely on their march. (Roars of laughter.) Either they were on their march, or they were not. (Continued laughter.)

Mr. CANNING---I did not say dogs of

war.

Mr. HUME resumed---What he complained of was, that, upon the simple statement of the Right Honorable Gentleman, we were about to commence hostilities in a hasty manner, and merely to quell the re

bellion of one or two regiments. (The Honorable Gentleman here again referred to the former statement of the Right Honorable Foreign Secretary, and its variance from that made that night.) He thought the Right Honorable Gentleman ought not to call upon the Representatives of the People to concur with him in a war, while the country was laboring under the pressure of extreme distress. Nothing but absolute danger to our own existence could justify our interference under existing circumstances. (Hear.) He was quite aware that it was an ungracious task for an individual to take upon him to resist a motion like that before the House; but he had the consolation of knowing, that in so acting he was doing his duty. On these grounds, therefore, he intended to move, that a call of the House should take place; that a delay of a week, at least, should intervene, to enable Honorable Members to consider before they voted. There was no information before the House to enable Honorable Gentlemen to say whether Portugal ought, or ought not, to be assisted. The House ought to take more time to deliberate, more documents ought to be before it; for by the very next packet we might receive advice that the rebels had been dispersed. What

a laughing-stock should we not be, therefore, to all Europe, were we to enter upon a war on account of a movement which had terminated before we took the first step? (Hear.) The Honorable Gentleman concluded by moving, that the House be called over on that day se'nnight (Tuesday next).

Mr. WOOD (of Preston) rose to second the amendment. While negociations were on foot, when many Honorable Members had left town, believing that no business of importance would be discussed till after the recess, he thought it would be indecent, merely because of the dazzling speech of the Right Honorable Gentleman, to plunge into a war. (Hear.) If the House should agree with the vote of the Right Honorable Gentleman, and if war should follow, every Honorable Member who supported it must be prepared to argue that a very high Property Tax be laid on, and that the Bank Restriction Act should be again enforced. (Hear, hear, hear.) They must be prepared also to support other measures; for, if the country should go to war, he was convinced that Catholic Emancipation would not merely be prayed for, but demanded, and must be conceded.

Mr. BARING begged to say that no Honorable Member of that House entertained more serious apprehensions than he did of