the consequences that might result from a war once commenced. But, after hearing the Right Honorable Gentleman's speech, having given to it his utmost possible attention, even with a wish to find him wrong, to find some means of evasion, some means of escape from the conclusions and arguments of the Right Honorable Gentleman, he confessed that, from the beginning to the end of the Right Honorable Gentleman's brilliant speech, he had heard nothing that could enable him (Mr. Baring) to frame an excuse for differing from him. (Cheers.)

He

The proposition of the Right Honorable Gentleman must, he thought, meet with the full concurrence of the House; for he believed no Honorable Member who heard him could point out any instance in which a nation, or an individual, ever overcame or got the better of an aggressor by pusillanimity. (Cheers.) It was vain to say that this was a question whether the Bank Restriction Act should or should not be enforced, or whether we should or should not be obliged to lay on a Property Tax. The only question which, it appeared to him, ought to be entertained was, whether the faith of the country ought to be preserved inviolate. (Cheers.) Neither of the Honorable Gentlemen, who proposed and supported the amendment, had said one word to induce the House to contemplate for one moment a breach of our treaties. The Honorable Member for Aberdeen had described the one immediately under consideration as an improvident treaty. agreed with the Honorable Member, he agreed with him that it was unfortunate that we should be bound by such a treaty; but the question was, did it exist? and if it did, was there any man who would say that at present, the moment of her distress, the moment of her extremity, we ought to violate the solemn treaty we had concluded with our most ancient ally? (Continued cheering.) But, it had been said, this was no aggression on the part of Spain. What, if the English Government sent General Mina, and the Spanish exiles in this country, back into Spain, equipped and armed, and accompanied with a train of English cannon, would not this be hostility on the part of England, and cowardice too, as coming in a disguised form? This country had a great interest in maintaining Portugal. The retention of Spain by French troops he (Mr. B.) considered a most dangerous political experiment; but if, in addition to the possession of Spain, France were to acquire, through Spain, a predominating influence in Portugal, the effect would be the de

struction of our influence in the Peninsula, the establishing of the power of the Bourbons, and the accomplishment of that exclusion of England from the continent, which had been so long the object of Buonaparte's intentions and efforts, and this was a danger which mere diplomacy, on our part, could not prevent. As to the alleged insincerity of the head of the French Government, he (Mr. B.) would not agree in ascribing that quality to his measures. He was convinced there were many points of policy out of M. Villele's hands, and the management of affairs relative to Spain was one of them. It could not be denied that he had given pacific assurances at the time the French army was passing into Spain; but he (Mr. B.) was sure that M. Villele was at the time ignorant of the destination of that army; but that the bigotted party had, by their influence, pushed on the adoption of measures to which the regular Ministers of the Government were opposed. Again, the Duke of Wellington returned from Paris, as from Vienna, with assurances of peace, yet hostile measures followed. On these grounds, he (Mr. B.) thought the Right Honorable Secretary, Mr. Canning, had taken the proper measures in the present crisis. Whether France was sincere or not, the line of acting proposed by the Right Honorable Gentleman was the correct one. As to the resources of the country for the accomplishment of that object, it would not be worth talking of, if, in a case affecting the honor and power of the country, we were to be deterred by the expense from entering into a just and necessary war. When such a case as the present was made. out, no consideration of expense ought to be opposed to it. He was sure that not only Parliament, but the people, would support the Crown in such a war, and that they had in their resources ample means to make that support effectual. Yet, there was no reason to apprehend that the expenses would be great; and as to the depression of resources, he would deny that it was of an extreme character. He was not used to compliment the measures of the Right Honorable Gentleman (Mr. Canning), yet he would declare, that the Right Honorable Gentleman could have taken no course but that which he had; and as to the Honorable Member for Aberdeen's amendment, it was founded on no higher consideration than the arguments on a turnpike bill. His (Mr. B.'s) only surprise was, that any body could have been found to second it. He did not want England to go on a crusade of

He

liberty over the continent, nor was it on that ground the measure was proposed; it was rather on the fact, that Portugal was our oldest ally, and had a right, under treaties, to receive our assistance. would, however, carry his liberalism so far as to say, that she ought the sooner receive that assistance, inasmuch as the hostility had arisen against her on account of her late free Constitution, a Constitution which, recollecting that it came from the Brazilian Emperor, the Government of Spain, if they had capacity to understand it, must consider very harmless, and by no means offending on the score of a too great regard for popular liberty. (Hear.)

Mr. BANKES considered that the eloquent and dazzling address of his Right Honorable Friend (Mr. Canning) had failed to produce the effect intended. It was not proved that the present case was a causus fæderis. The law of nations did not allow any foreign interference with the internal affairs of a country. When France invaded Spain a few years ago, who was found to approve, rather, who did not disapprove, that aggression? Why now should the House contradict their former opinion? It had not been proved that the Spanish Authori ties concerted or countenanced the aggression; if there was diplomatic correspondence to support it, why not produce it? He could not support the motion, yet he would not vote for the Honorable Member for Aberdeen's amendment, as it was both trifling and impracticable.

Mr. BROUGHAM assured the House, that after the convincing statement of the Right Honorable Gentleman who opened the debate, he had determined not to trouble the House with even a declaration of his entire approval of that statement; but having heard the amendment and speech of his Honorable Friends, the Member for Aberdeen, and the Honorable Member who seconded him, he considered it his incumbent duty not to confine the expression of his dissent from them by a silent vote, and here he would entreat his Honorable Friend, the Honorable Seconder, not to imagine for a moment, that he was induced to differ from them through disrespect for their motives when he rose to protest against the adoption of their amendment. If, indeed, he could think that there was any possibility of avoiding a war, if he could see, or hope to see, any alternative of escaping from that dreadful extremity---of escaping it after the sound of actual war--- (hear)--preparations made in palpable violation of public faith and the law of nations; if he VOL. II.

could foresee any such hope, he would be in an equable state of mind for estimating the calculations of the probable cost of the war, and of adjusting his vote in accordance with the chances of peace on one side, and the possible expenses on the other.---But when he recollected the facts and circumstances of the present case, he could not hesitate to declare at once, that there were situations in which a country might be placed---situations in which a reluctance to appeal to arms, on the ground of calculations of expense, would be frivolous, and dangerous, and disgraceful. (Loud cheering.) But was the present a situation of that kind? This was the point on which he was at issue with his Honorable Friend the Member for Aberdeen, and the Honorable Member for Dorsetshire; and to prove that the recent events in Portugal placed England in such a critical condition, be need only recal the attention of the House to the statement of the Right Honorable Gentleman opposite (Mr. Secretary Canning), or put the matter to those Honorable Members in the shape of a few short questions. Was public faith to be observed? Were international compacts to be fulfilled? Was the body politic bound to the performance of its solemn engagements ?---of engagements contracted on the faith of ancient treaties, descending from century to century, acknowledged, ratified, and renewed, by successive generations of that body politic, the relative situation of the contracting parties remaining the same, and the ability to fulfil the obligations of those ancient treaties still existing in full power. But, said the Honorable and Learned Gentleman, it has been asked, not this a very old treaty? If it was, its antiquity would not annul its obligations. But it is not antiquated; for though it was concluded originally in the days of Charles, the II., and though it was concluded in consideration of a sum of money, which that abandoned and profligate tyrant squandered as soon as he had received it, yet there was another consideration---Bombay was obtained by that treaty. We can give up the 300,000l. we received from Portugal; but, if we refuse to fulfil the stipulations of that treaty, we must give back that now flourishing and important settlement, which was ceded by Portugal to the English Crown in contemplation of the support we pledged ourselves to give her. But, I repeat, this is not an antiquated treaty. Its obligations were renewed in the seventeenth century, and in the beginning and during the progress of the eighteenth century, and again in the

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nineteenth century, not twelve years back, while my Honorable Friends bore a conspicuous part in public affairs. The last renewal was so late as 1815, at the Congress of Vienna, where it was again revived, in terms as stringent as it was possible for human ingenuity to invent. But it is said, "This was an imprudent measure---a most "impolitic step. Lord Castlereagh should "never have put his hand to it." That, indeed, would have been a good objection at the time. But when the treaty has been allowed to remain in force twelve years, and we have called upon other powers to fulfil some conditions of it, are we to be told that we can escape from our obligations with perfect honor, consistency, and good faith, by turning round and saying, "The

"

treaty was such a one as was improper ever to have been entered into, and, "therefore, we do not intend to keep it?" (Hear, hear, hear.) If arguments like these have weight in this House, and, through this House, with the people of this country, then, I say, measures should forthwith be introduced to deprive the Ministers of the Executive Government of the power to bind the country by treaty. As long as that power belongs to them, it is preposterous, beyond all that I ever heard that was absurd and inconsistent, to deny the force of the obligation, when no objection has ever been urged as to the powers of those, who, on our part, have entered into it. But, still further, what would be the consequence of such a breach of faith? What would foreign nations say to you, when you would propose to enter into covenants with them, suppose on navigation or commerce, or the withdrawing the French troops from Portugal, or any other important matter? Why, before your negociators could say one word, the foreign nation would stop their mouths, with, you observe no faith; you of Eng"land can make no treaty---you are not fit "to be trusted---we can place no confidence "in your promises; when the provisions of a treaty are favorable to you, you observe it, but when they turn out inconvenient "to you, you violate it. You are not, "therefore, a people on whose good faith "we can depend, and we will enter into no

compact with you." (Hear, hear.) What a situation that was for a country? (Hear.) But, said the Honorable Members for Aberdeen and Dorsetshire, the treaty has not been violated. The late transactions in Portugal are matters of internal dissension, and as such, proper subjects of the internal policy of Portugal. On this point also, he (Mr. B.) was at issue with the Right Ho

norable Gentlemen. Surely, when they made those assertions, they could not have heard the Right Honorable Secretary's opening statement of facts, and his reference to authentic correspondence; but supposing that the Right Honorable Gentleman was deceived by that correspondence, or that he had received no letters at all on the subject ---granting that the rumours of hostile aggressions in the public prints were much exaggerated, or entirely false, still there was one ascertained fact-- a fact admitted by his Honorable Friend---on which he would hold him to his responsibility---a fact from which he could not fly, and to which the House ought to keep him, if he wished to evade it; and that was the circumstance, that from 4 to 5000 deserters from the Portuguese army, who, at several successive periods, had passed in separate and broken bands from several points of the Portuguese frontier into several parts of the Spanish, having been there provisioned, armed, accoutred, and marshalled, were sent back on a concerted plan into the Portuguese territory, not from one point of Spain, or one point of Portugal, or at several successive periods, but from several parts of Spain, on a few definite points of the Portuguese frontier, and all at one time on the same day. Could that be the result of chance? That simultaneous movement be a mere accident? Could credulity go so far as to believe that such a happy union of movements, such a regular continuation of efforts, such a felicitous concurrence of the scattered atoms of the Portuguese regiments, was purely fortuitous? (Hear, hear, hear.) Was it by accident that these collected atoms came into Spain? By another accident they met upon the frontiers of that kingdom ---not one or two, miserable, poor, and scattered, as exiles would be---but by some accident they came together with

"All the pride, pomp, and circumstance, "of glorious war."

By a continuation of the same lucky accident they assemble in the best possible position for an invasion of Portugal, by a combined movement. It was by accident, no doubt, and without the least combination, except of a few private soldiers, without the most remote idea of being in co-operation with others, that they entered Portugal. Good God! Was there a man who could doubt? Could a fact be found on which to hang a suspicion? If, however, there was a man in that happy state of scepticism, he was justified in maintaining his opinions against the facts before them. Supposing a casus fæderis out of the question, the

present measure was perfectly justifiable. The Right Honorable Gentleman (Mr. Canning) had placed those who opposed it in a dilemma. If all were known to the Spanish Government, and it was incapable of preventing it, what signified whether they knew it or not? If it was such a no-Government at all, as not to be able to prevent the rebel Portuguese availing themselves of the situation of the Spanish frontiers---of Spanish stores---of Spanish arms, for the purpose of invading the Portuguese territory, it was a jest, a mockery of a jest, to say that it signified whether the Spanish rulers knew it or not. If they knew it, they ought to have prevented it; if they could not, or would not, we would do it for them, and they must stand to the conse quences. We were not, however, as was said by the Honorable Member for Dorsetshire, warring against Spain---we were not fitting out armaments to attack that country ---we were fitting them out to defend Portugal. The mere showing a disposition to do so, would, perhaps, have the desired effect; but should not as full a satisfaction as was still in the power of Spain to offer be given, we had prepared ourselves to enforce it. But should it have the effect of protecting our ally, we have, at the same time, avoided that dread extremity of a war being kindled up in Europe. But it was said that these were Portuguese, and not Spaniards, whom we were to oppose. Did that make any difference? If they had been Portuguese in Portugal, one side taking part with the Constitution, and the rest against it, who should have assembled in the Algarves, and have marched to attack Lisbon, or, in Tras os Montes, and have besieged Oporto, however much we may have approved of the Constitution they were about to destroy, although in the extremity of its jeopardy, the slightest movement on our parts might save it---however hard it might be for us to submit to the necessity, we must, on the sound general principle of non-interference in the internal concerns of another country, however painful it might have been, we must have declined interfering. This must have been the case, because the principle in its nature preserved the peace of the world, and, in the long run, the liberties of mankind. That rule was inflexible. But these were not Portuguese marshalled in Portugal, threatening Lisbon or Oporto, it was an army of 4000 or 5000 men, Portuguese, organized. He wished he could recollect the words made use of by the Right Honorable Gentleman, that he might use them; but they were, as he believed, styled by him, organized rebel

Portuguese, who had put off their country in order to compass one act of treason against it---had assumed the foreigner, to enter it by a second act of treason---and then, as a third treason, wished again to become Portuguese, in order to avoid the justice with which their treachery would be visited. By Spain they were comforted, fed, supplied, marshalled, trained, disciplined, and accoutred, and from that country, and with the resources of that country. to back them, they enter their native land, and levy war against it. Suppose the case our own---he would not take one part of the country or another---but suppose any discontented body of Englishmen were to take their position on the other side of the Channel, and, after being allowed to recruit by other numbers joining them, were seen along the French shore disciplined, marshalled, and actually supplied with arms, either by the French Government at Paris, or by the local Authorities of Calais, Boulogne, and Dunkirk, taking advantage of the wind and tide, embark in French boats, and invade the coasts of Sussex and Kent--when our Minister came to represent these acts of aggression at the foot of the French throne, what would he say if told that it was very true---for it was not, according to the present case, necessary to deny the truth of the marshalling, &c.---that it was very true they had equipped these men, that they supplied them lavishly and without stint with every thing they required, but that our Minister could not complain, as there was not a man of them who was not an Englishman or an Irishman? The first man that would hold cheap this defence would be the Honorable Member for Dorset himself---he would be the first to laugh at the paltry quibble.--He had heard it said, and no doubt it was a painful part of the case, that when war had once begun, no man in his senses could attempt to fix its bounds. But he would have those who used this as an argument remember, that when once submissions began, it was still more difficult to say when they should end, than even to say where war should have bounds. (Hear.) One act of submission was in itself an act of degradation, and the shame which it brings with it, not only crippled their exertions, but degraded the character upon which those exertions must mainly rely for success. (Hear.) He had heard with astonishment his Honorable Friend behind him (Mr. Hume), and the Honorable Member for Dorset (Mr. Bankes), talk of this not being a breach of national faith, of submiting to a stain; he begged the Honorable

Member for Dorset's pardon, for he, if he could be convinced it would be a stain, would not submit to it; but his Honorable Friend behind him (Mr. Hume) had, to his astonishment, urged the doctrine, that when a gross, flagrant, breach of faith would result, as on the present occasion, we were to disregard one treaty, because it was old, and its benefits had been enjoyed long since ---and another, because it was impolitic, and was to be regretted ever having been made. We were now to submit to that stain and breach of good faith and honor, upon the ground that our burdens made war greatly to be feared. He deprecated that issue as much as possible. He had lived longer than one of his Honorable Friends during a war, and was aware of its consequences. But his Honorable Friends must recollect, and the House and country must bear in mind, that the question was not at present whether we should be satisfied with submission--not whether we should be content to bear about us, in the eyes of mankind, a stained and bartered honor. The question was not whether they should do so, and, by doing so, avoid war. He should say no, even were that the question; but it was not the question. The question was, whether, for a little season of insecurity, precarious, dishonorable truce---he could not call it peace, it had nothing of its honorable character, nothing of that which made the name of peace proverbially sweet---the question was, whether they should take that wretched course till war was past postponement, when it would come upon us and find us beaten down, degraded, ruined in character, in the eyes of all mankind, and, what was a thousand times worse, ruined and degraded in our own eyes, by the loss of our self-esteem. (Hear, hear.) There was yet something worse to minds which could not be reached by these topics. They would see that a small sum laid out here, in due time, might be the means of saving them the expenditure of a much larger sum at a future period; and that they would reap interest upon interest from the capital to an inconceivable extent.--(Laughter.) The risking of a few men now might spare thousands and thousands of lives, and would, perhaps, insure us against a war which might find us with crippled resources, and come at a time when other powers besides Spain might be prepared to take part against us. Of such a war it might be truly said, that no man could presage its termination. He agreed with the accounts of the risks and difficulties of our situation. He was one of those who, some years ago, held, that with the princi

ples which then governed our foreign affairs, this country ought not, with her burdens, to violate the peace of Europe. He knew the weight of those burdens; he knew now they still bore upon us; but, if he felt their weight to be oppressive, yet, if the most necessary measure they were about to take should not prove efficacious, as he trusted it would, for it was reasonable to expect it would be efficacious- (Hear)---yet, he said, the burdens were not such as to prevent us pursuing other measures. Five or six years ago, he thought the burden was as much as they could bear, as he knew it could not be increased by proper means.---But now they were governed by an intelligent, liberal, and truly English principle.--(Cheers.) The Portuguese Constitution was worthy of the most distinguished Statesman who now had the management of our foreign affairs. The subject had inspired the eloquence of the Right Honorable Gentleman with a degree of fervour unprecedented in effect, even (and he could not rank it higher) beyond that Right Honorable Gentleman's former most eloquent orations. (Cheers.) He (Mr. Brougham) felt that, in the principles now acted upon by our Government (and he rejoiced that it was seen that in those principles they were strong and impregnable), the burdens which they had felt so heavily would not hinder them, when the day of trial came, from coping with a world combined in arms against us. But, the day of trial would not come; the knowledge that these principles were acted on would be a security against it. It was a policy which, if followed up, made it eminently improbable (he would not say impossible, for in this world nothing was impossible) that they should ever see the Monarchs of the earth in combination against them. As long as these principles were acted on, as long as the country was true to itself, they dared not to do it. These principles, which had the strong support of the people in their favour, placed, if not in the hands, at least within the grasp, of our Government a lever, of which we, from experience, know the power, and of which foreign Governments fear the power. There are those that would be enemies, but, dreading this power, dare not be. (Hear.) If it should happen, which God forbid, that the nation should be engaged in a war, they were sure that the best means had been taken to prevent it by his Majesty's Government; and let them, as he had said before, but be true to themselves, whatever might be their difficulties, however oppressive those difficulties might be, he, for one, should have no fear of the consequences. (Loud cheers.)