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the progress of opinion in the West India Islands, notices of the measures in active operation for the diffusion of religious and moral instruction among the Negroes, various able arguments and authentic statements, showing the danger of hasty measures tending to emancipation; but these topics, through design or negligence, never reach the attention of the British public, who are, however, sure to be presented with flaming exaggerations of every fact which may be recorded to the prejudice of the Planters. The English public have thus seen only one side of the picture for many years; we hope opportunities will soon be afforded by them of seeing the other.

LITERABY NOTICE.-Preparing for the Press: --- A Popular Exposition of the Epistle to the Romans. By Robert Wilson, A. M., Author of a "Treatise on the Divine "Sovereignty," &c.

On the announcement of the new novel of "Almacks," we had anticipated the pleasure we should derive from showing our superior virtue and independence in the severe chastisement we determined to give to a work which, we supposed, would be full of scandal, immorality, and pretences to fashion. How were we deceived,---the book is as innocent as a new born kitten of any malevolence of execution; and as to its delineations of fashionable life, they are just as correct and elegant as might be furnished by any lady's waiting-maid. It contains neither plot, description, character, incident, wit, eloquence, or sentiment; and, but for the egregious puffing which it has received, would never have obtained even a month's notoriety. We strongly advise the Ladies Foley, Campbell, Blessington, &c., who have been severally named as the authoress, to bring actions against the proprietors of the newspapers which have so calumniated them. It is a much severer libel than any that has lately been punished by imprisonment or heavy damages.

If our readers want to see a candid, an impartial account of literary works, we would recommend them never to look at any of the established reviews, always excepting our own. The Quarterly and Edinburgh, have long ceased to be any thing more than collections of political essays. The New Monthly, London, and Blackwood's Magazines, are avowedly under the control of the Booksellers who publish them, and are moreover mostly under a strong political bias. They have great merits, but that of impartial criticism is not one. The Literary Gazette is really beneath contempt; it has neither judgment, discrimination, nor common sense, we could almost say common honesty. It has praised " Almacks," an offence which has prevented it from all hope of ever redeeming its character-that was a crime unpardonable. It is to the Newspapers that the inquirer should look for fair notices of new publications. Those of the Old Times, are excellent in every particular-in strong and manly English sense, and feeling they are unrivalled. We have now among others in our recollection the Review of Ouvrard's Memoirs, and those of the Princess Lamballe, which will, we are sure, corroborate our assertions. As we are opposed to the principles, or rather no principles, of this paper as to politics, our testimony will be less suspected. In point of firmness and apparent independence of Booksellers, the reviews of The Atlas are also valuable, and are written with great talent and acuteness. This is besides an admirable paper in every respect, and by far the best Sunday Journal that was ever published.

Mr. JOSEPH HUME'S PUN.---The most noxious animal that breathes is a punster and a professed joker. We notice him in the Inspector only to denounce him. Mr. Hume has lately taken to punning, which was to be expected from his dabbling in the Greek scrip. A man who puns will pick a pocket, and a man who picks pockets will commit a pun. Our writing could not make him refund the Greek Scripwe hope we may yet prevent him from falling into a confirmed habit of punning. Perhaps the mere statement of the following awful offence in this way may suffice for the present. Joseph was endeavouring to make Brougham understand one of his calculations, in which, as usual, he did not succeed: "Why," said Joseph, peevishly, “it is as plain as your operative." Operative!" said Brougham, "what do you mean?" "Your nose, to be sure," said Joseph, "which every body is aware belongs to the working classes." Imagine the frown of the offended lawyer---he turned indignantly away, and recommended Joseph to the care of Mr. Warburton.---We hope he will follow his advice---when he has left off punning, there may be some hopes of his refunding the Greek Loans.

46

QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

BETWEEN THE ABOLITIONISTS AND THE WEST INDIANS.

[We have received permission from the author of the subjoined letters to insert them in "The Inspector." They are intended to comprise the essence of all that has been said on both sides of this much debated question; and the ability with which this contention has been fulfilled with regard to the first portion of the subject, viz. that which relates to Free or Slave Labor, makes us believe that the series, when completed, will form the most valuable work that has yet been published relative to the points at issue between the Abolitionists and the West Indians. The author has so clearly stated his own views, that any further preliminary remark is unnecessary, except to recommend these letters to the earnest attention of the country at large, and particularly of the Members of the British Legislatures.]

TO THE EDITOR.

Sir,-Notwithstanding the prominent part which the West India Question has occupied in the public councils of the country for these few years past, there are already indications manifested, that the discussion will be continued with unabated pertinacity and warmth in the Session of Parliament which is approaching. Viewing the numerous publications on this theme with which the public have been surfeited, an ordinary observer would conceive that nothing further could now be said, and that every person in the nation must have made up his decided opinion on the subject. But the truth is, that this very load of testimony has obstructed the progress of reason. The gratuitous dissemination of publications of every description has palled the taste of the public for this controversy; and a vast majority of men have turned away in disgust, thinking that no useful information could be gained in perusing the lucubrations of interested disputants. The lover of his country must deplore this disgust or indifference, no matter how naturally it may have been excited.

Close and laborious investigation is necessary on all public occasions, though it is difficult to allure the public to the task; still, firmly believing that the intelligent portion of the community, who ultimately give the tone to the whole, would be eager to acquire an accurate and impartial opinion on West India subjects, provided they could be relieved from needless irksomeness in its pursuit, I propose, in a brief and explicit manner, to remedy the objection through the medium of your columns.

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Most of your readers are acquainted with Franklin's "Moral' Algebra," putting the pros of a question on one side, the cons on the other striking out symbolically those arguments where there appeared perfect parity of reasoning-summing up those that remained on each side respectively, according to their specific weight, and striking the balance in favor of that side, which, taken collectively with all contingent relations, showed a preponderance in amount. Let us adopt this mode with the West India Question. The case is then simplified, and accommodated to every comprehension.

VOL. II.

2 M

In the following analysis, the charge of the Abolitionist appears on one side, the reply of the West Indian on the other; and both given upon authorities, quoted from those held most in repute by the respective parties. Your readers, generally, will thus be enabled to form an unbiassed opinion, without the labor of wading through the mass of dry and voluminous publications, to which the discussion has given birth. Members of the Legislature will have an index to direct them to information and details on those particular points, which their own views may lead them to consider as most essential, without delay or unnecessary perusal of irrelevant matter. The disputants themselves, perceiving how their arguments collide with, and stand opposed to, each other, must gradually renounce untenable positions; and thus, as contention and clamor subside, we may in time look for dispassionate and definite discussion.

Studying the common good alone, I wish to observe the strictest impartiality. Through the medium of your widely circulating Journal, I address myself to every quarter of the Empire for arguments on either side, in case I should appear guilty of omission or ex-parte statement; and I pledge myself to give to such communication the fullest and fairest notice.

The West India Question divides itself into three distinct headsthe interests of the Negroes, of the Planters, of the Country. For perspicuity, I shall follow these in the order here placed, avoiding as far as possible the liability to mix up with one branch what more appropriately belongs to another.

FIRST OF THE INTERESTS OF THE NEGROES.

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WEST INDIAN.

A state of freedom is, undoubtedly, far preferable to a state of slavery; but your own fellow subjects, living within the bosom of the State, have immense properties invested, which demand protection. The Negroes are unprepared for freedom; and, besides, the commercial prosperity of the country prompts to caution, lest, by surrendering advantages ourselves, we throw them into the hands of foreigners.---Vide Speeches of Lords Liverpool and Bathurst, March 7, 1826, and of Mr. Canning, May 15, 1823.

We reject the imputation of expediency. We meet you on your moral principle. JUSTICE constitutes our main reliance, the chief element in morals, and superior to the claims of humanity itself.---M'Donnell's Considerations on Negro Slavery, chap. i. and xiii.

In claiming justice, we demand it for all. You must not lift up a degraded class at our sole expense. It was by the whole of the

ABOLITIONIST.

in speculation, but you forget the hundreds of thousands suffering on the opposite side. Does not JUSTICE cry out on behalf of the poor Negroes, pining under the most terrible degradation that man can endure?-Edinburgh Review, No. 82, and Stephen's England enslaved by her own Slave Colonies.

Our argument is simply this, that the claims of the Negro are weightier than those of the West India Proprietor; and, where two principles clash, the lesser must give way to the greater.- Edinburgh Review, No. 82.

A British Statesman's glory should be, to adhere rigidly to the spirit, as well as the letter, of those institutions under which he lives; and slavery in any shape is hostile to the genius of the British Constitution.--Lord Lansdowne's Speech, March 7, 1826.

If commercial cupidity blinded the faculties of men then, it is no reason why it should continue to do so now. Error, sanctioned by names however great, is still error; and we appeal to the common feelings of the British public if, calling themselves a free people, they conceive it right that Slavery should exist under encouragement of their arms.---Anti-Slavery Reports, Nos. 2 and 3. Lord Lansdowne's Speech, March 7, 1826.

But, independently of our call, on the

WEST INDIAN.

British nation that Slavery was encouraged, and it is the whole nation that must bear the loss of doing it away. If, nationally, you sacrifice us, your first act was a fraud, your second will be a robbery.---Vide Barham's Abolition of Negro Slavery, p. 26. M'Donnell's Considerations, &c. chap. i. Quarterly Review, No. 64, Art. ix.

If you bring forward your moral principle, you must adhere to it closely and without deviation, not vaguely and indefinitely. There is no lesser or greater principle in a question of justice. It cannot be modified or altered; and if you neglect to consider it in regard to the proprietor, and still persist in haranguing about Negro freedom, you are chargeable with idle declamation, if not gross absurdity. If, admitting the applicability of the principle to all parties, you consider not the how, the when, and the where, as regards the proceedings of the nation in coming forward with adequate indemnification, you neither argue the question like a British Statesman, nor as a practical moralist. --M'Donnell's Considerations, &c. Mr. Canning's Speech, May 15, 1823.

The Slave Trade was principally sanctioned, fostered, nay, stimulated, under the reign of William III. Not content with supplying our own Colonies, the British Government contracted, by the Assiento Treaty, to supply certain foreign settlements, at the rate of 4,800 slaves a year, to the amount of 144,000. The Ministers who counselled these measures, were the same great and generous spirits who settled the present dynasty upon the throne, and framed the Bill of Rights. It is a bold assertion to pronounce the acts of such men hostile to the genius of the British Constitution.---See Barham's Abolition, &c. p. 28. M'Donnell's Considerations, chap. i., on Property. Lord Chancellor's Speech, March 7, 1826.

You re-assert what all allow, that freedom is preferable to slavery. The sanction of my Lord Somers and his coadjutors, is only adduced to show the presumption of any would-be Statesmen, who first pronounces an unqualified denunciation, and would then rush upon the abolition of a system planted and nurtured by the greatest Statesmen, the staunchest friends of liberty, which this country has ever boasted.-Lords' Report, 1789. Lord Chancellor, March 7, 1826.

Were this, indeed, the fact, not an hour,

ABOLITIONIST.

ground of civil rights, we have a higher obligation; our holy religion demands the extinction of slavery.---Wiberforce's Appeal, passim.

What do you deny that the Christian religion asserts an equality of rights; that its meek spirit stands emphatically opposed to the continued subjection of our fellow men in bondage; and that, to obey its mandates, we are perpetually called on to succour and protect the poor and the oppressed?--- African Institution, and Anti-Slavery Reports, passim.

Your argument may apply to rude barbarians prior to their reception of the Christian faith; but you have granted that, when introduced, that faith must exercise a meliorating influence over the mind; and we merely call for the fruits of that influence, in exhorting you no longer to detain your fellow-men in hereditary servitude---men equal to yourselves in the eye of your common Creator.---Wilberforce's Appeal.

An isolated case can never form a principle. Passages of holy writ, enjoining us to succour the oppressed of all classes, outnumber the quotations favouring your argument in the proportion of a thousand to one.---Stephen's England Enslaved, &c.

WEST INDIAN.

not a moment, should be lost in exterminating the system, but your statement is historically false.--- Bailey's House of Bonduge, p. 29.

It is the boast of the Christian Religion, that it interferes not with any of the temporal distinctions of society. It pursues the more exalted aim of placing before men the means of their salvation hereafter. It had its origin amid scenes of turbulence, depravity, and oppression. Its benign influence gradually gained dominion over the mind; but should we have beheld, as now, the glorious consummation of its triumph, had it sought to overturn the civil institutions of society?---Paley's Moral and Political Philosophy, book iii. part ii. chap. 3.

Whether in barbarism or civilization, the Christian Religion can never be brought, on its own claims, inherently to alter the frame of political society. It is utterly to pervert and to degrade its high attributes, to make it descend to the regulation of concerns belonging only to our sojourn in this world. We have the testimony of holy writ expressly on our side. The Levitical law directly authorises a state of slavery--the New Testament dispensation came to correct the errors of the Old, and it in no instance enumerates slavery amongst the number. St. Paul expressly recognised it, in fact, in the case of Onesimus, who, having run away, the Apostle converted him to Christianity, but sent him back to his master.---Vide Bailey's House of Bondage. Correspondence between J. Gladstone, Esq. M. P., and Mr. Cropper, App. p. v.

If you maintain that slavery is expressly forbidden in scripture, we are obliged, in our defence, to make quotations, proving your charge to be erroneous. The variety of opinions held, the expedients, the artifices, which characterize many of your expositors of scripture, prove, prima facie, the correctness of Paley's opinion, that "Chris"tianity intermeddles with no civil institu"tions." For how many ages did learned divines uphold the doctrine of jure divino, making of necessity all men slaves to one! Scripture was made subservient to the occasion, an authority which it would have been deemed impious heresy to question. If our sacred religion was thus, for such a time, strained to sanction slavery in its most unqualified sense, does it not establish against you a charge of absurdity, when you maintain that the system now is opposed to

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