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and acquired endowments of Charles Grant? Even as it is, had he not officially brought forward measures which we matured and prepared to his hands, would Cam Hobhouse be chorussing his “ solid

and honorable reputation ?". As to poor old Bathurst, the first cross-examination of the “ noble lords on the cross bench” would kill him. The accession of Lansdowne in his stead would be advantageous. The noble Marquis's fluent readiness of words, and if not intelligibility, at least guessability, of meaning, would be a great relief after the misty mumblings of the Colonial Secretary; while his speeches, not being very much weighed down by heavy arguments, would not detract from their merits in their lordship's estimation. As to the “ould speaker,” as Dick Martin calls Milord Colchester, when he will be virtually First Lord of the Treasury, 1 will be a saint, and the saints will be free from cant and love of the marvellous. Goulburn's name must have been put forward in satirical merriment. Prime Minister indeed! The wonder is, how he became the veriest subaltern of the Government: a man without any intellectual or family pretensions whatever---without even the low merit of being a useful mechanical plodder, and only distinguished from other bigots from instinct, by a petulant conceit that leads to ambitious projects, which, by directing some observation upon him, only render him the more contemptible.---The Times is utierly mistaken as to the Grand Duke's character. I know his Grace well, and pronounce him to be the antitliesis of guile and wilyish-courtier intrigue. Wellington is a soldier, not a lawyer; and is a model of every thing straight forward and undeviating. There is certainly no love extraordinary between him and the Foreign Secretary; but I am convinced the fight---if fight there be---will be fair, standupish, and á-la-Hickman. But it is a mistake altogether to suppose that he is anxious to be Prime Minister. Londonderry tells me his only wish is to retain bis seat in the Cabinet. Canning must be Prime Minister---tbe Administration cannot do without him; and neither my excellent friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, nor Huskisson, nor myself, will accept of office under any other leader. That fact settles the business.

2. Sorry to see Mr. Canning still so delicate; top of his forehead or occiput pale and ashy—bad sign. His long expected revelation of the designs of Ministers against the agricultural interests, smacks of the parturiunt montes, &c. after all. The change in the Corn Laws considerable, and will by no means satisfy the manufaeturers, while it gives us no little uneasiness, the rather as nothing determinate has been done in regard to the currency, though the change goes to prevent the price of wheat ever exceeding 60s. per quarter: I entirely agree with my excellent, enlightened, and respected friend of Felix Hall*, as to the necessity of having an unfluctuating scheme of currency adopted before any alteration should be proposed in the Corn Laws. Why should 60s. be fixed as the maximum price of corn, till the value of that 60s. is determinate ? 'Tis a pity the

* Letter to the Earl of Liverpool, on the causes of our present embarrassment, &e. &c., by C. C. Western, Esq. M. P. An able and perspicuous pamphlet.

" It is

currency question is not better understood in the House, and its connections with the Corn Laws not more felt out of doors. “ time,” says my clear minded friend, Mr. Western, “ to deal fairly “ and openly with the public upon the subject of the currency; and “ let them know the variation to which it has been subject, and “ make them understand the influence that it has upon the price of “ commodities; that without a given proportion of currency or cir“culating medium, there never can be an allequate price for any

product of industry and labor, nor for the wages of the labor. And “ that with an excess of currency the prices might be too high, or in “ other words, money too cheap or plentiful. They would then be “able to liscern when the price was discerned by scarcity or abund“ance of money, or a scarcity or abundance of any commodity itself. “ The public eye would thus be, as it ought to be, with a credit, or “ indeed any currency, devoutly upon the watch; and measuring it

with the price of cominodities, would keep it within bounds, or at “ least operate very powerfully towards doing so. A metallic stan“ dard then adopted upon a level with the present state and situations " of the country, would, aided by public opinion, operate effectually. There is no class of people for whom I contend a just alteration of “ the standard is more necessary, than for the public creditors, and * indeed creditors of every description*. There is nothing else can “ prevent their being involved with their debtors in one common “ ruin." I regret my honorable friend has not given us the rationale of his facts and inferences-twould render his letter very valuable, though it might be foreign from its scope. "Tis a great loss to the gentry and the yeomanry of England, that the member for Essex has not more power of voice and manner in his addresses to the House. Mr. Western speaks like one who was munching a crust while he was talking; the consequence is, his excellent matter and language is comparatively ineffectual. With his knowledge, extensive acquirements, and high character, but for elocutionary defects, he would be not only a main prop of the landed interest, but the influential leader of the

country gentlenen.” His denunciation of the measures in their present shape, as a "most perilous experiment," I almost entirely assent to. My father assures me that for every million of quarters of foreign corn imported into this country, 250,000 acres of land would cease to be tilled, and 50,000 laborers would be thrown out of employment : would the manufacture of the goods sent in exchange for this corn, give employment not only to the distressed thousands of artisans, but also to these 50,000 agricultural laborers? I should like to hear Huskisson, the stern free-trader, answer the question. Can anything be more senseless and absurd than ascribing the distresses of the manufacturers to the price of corn. In February, 1825, the manufacturers were admitted to be at the zenith of prosperity and content; and yet what was the price of wheat ? 683. per quarter : what is it now? but 53s., and yet the picture is reversed. I am glad to see that fine, manly

• Let the public creditor consider too, that the public securities have always risen with an expansion of the currency and fallen with the contraction, and in no instance so striking as in that immediately before us.

energetic old man, Sir J. Newport, is bestirring himself about the question. The admission of foreign corn into this country would be the finishing blow to Ireland's misfortunes. If the annual supply of two millions of quarters be stopped from that country, half a million of lusty laborers, with their families, will be added to the mass of paupers that “ congregate for animal heat,” and eke out a wretched animal existence in that fertile and beautiful island. Mr. Fergusson, and other Scotch members, emphatically protest against fixing 30s. as the maximum price of barley, with a duty of 10s. on the foreign grain ; and 21s. as the price of oats, with a duty of 75.---These wellinformed gentlemen declare, that at least one-third of the tillage of Scotland would be destroyed by the measure, as it applies to these two, the staple grains of the Land of Cakes; and I firmly believe them, and maintain that nothing less than 32s., with a protecting duty of at least 12s. for barley; and 24s., with a like duty of 6s. on foreign oats, will remunerate the Scotch agriculturist. The average of price besides should be taken monthly, and not weekly; otherwise there will be no end to the commercial frauds, which will be resorted to under any law, of the factors and corn merchants. I hope some of my honorable friends will profit by those hints, and force them upon the attention of the House. I solemnly declare that I cannot ascertain Sir F. Burdett's real feelings in the measure. He appears actually not to know them himself, illustrating Shakspeare's

“ Though inclination he as sharp as will,” most forcibly. His inclination naturally persuades him to preserve the aristocratic station of his birth, by opposing “ any alteration in “the Corn Laws," while his will urges him to maintain his radical consistency by advocating the repeal. It strikes me, he will fail in both his ends, and render himself obnoxious to both parties.

4. Read Butler's Reminiscences, laughed much at the tender affections between old wiggy Parr and the worthy reminiscent. “ Dear “ and excellent Butler,” says wiggy ; “Honored and very dear sir," replies the papist ; “Most learned and most excellent sir,” says the one; “ Most honored and most dear sir," rejoins the other. What interesting Damon-and-Pythiasism ! Mr. Butler seems to be a very worthy man, but most borishly stupidly free from faults and energetic virtues, moral and intellectual. Old as he is, he has much of the school-hoy in him. Parr aped Johnson even in his epistles. He thought himself evidently a second Johnson, and meditated writing the great moralist's life. “ The materials for it," says Parr, are now “collected ; but a mind congenial to the Doctor's own has not yet rendered them into a proper form.” I never heard anything of Parr above par ; but his reply to Sir J. Mackintosh, which, for the benefit of those who have not heard it, and in perpetuam memoriam rei, I will notice in the Inspector. Parr, his wig, and Sir James inet at dinner at Lord Holland's (a very stupid place, say what they will) shortly after a Mr. O'Quigley's execution. The Doctor said something palliative of O'Quigley's conduct, to the no slight horrification of his companion, who rejoined that O'Q. was as bad a man as could pos

“sibly be, in every point given.” ,“ No, no, Jemmy," replied Parr, “not so bad as a man could possibly be neither, Jemmy! for recollect

O'Quigley was a priest, he might have been a lawyer ; he was an “ Irishman, he might have been a Scotchman ; he was consistent, “ Jemmy, he might have been an Apostate ;" alluding to some convenient modification lately introduced by the author of the Vindiciæ Gallicæ, into his more recent political opinions. Even this has more of Johnson's rudeness than his wit. Met Clanrickarde--become quite a diplomatist-glad of it—will wean his mind from his wild pranks-a well disposed fellow. Tells me Dick Martin will lose his election -sorry for it; will kill the old man, to whom the House is a habit of life, and who cannot substitute his Smithfield humanity, in the regard of certain shepherds that have, I understand, taken Peter Moore into their special keeping.

5. Lost the fun at Brookes's-don't know that Raikes—think he did very right. Lawyers should not make their gown a petticoat to excise their unnecessary personalities. Of all men, Brougham should be the last, though he is ever the first, to go out of his way to mangle the feelings of others---not over ready to go out of his way to Chalkfarm-it in return. Spring Rice seems to be pacificator-general to the whigs---gets himself into ugly predicaments by it. Vexed the reporters last session on his peace-making between Sir H. Harding and Dr. Lushington, consequently not a word uttered during the session appeared in print, and he was very near losing his election for his mute eloquence. Summoned for Wednesday to Brookes's on the business. “Old Lord Fitzwilliam to take the chair; a truly venerable and respectable nobleman, a nobleman after Dryden's heart.

“ The nobleman is he, whose noble mind

Is fill'd with inborn worth.” By the way, how strangely misapplied from its strict import, is the word---nobleman. We use it rather as the synonyme of patrician descent, and as the antagonist term of plebeian ; while in truth it more means one that is not a patrician, but is ennobled from having filled certain judicial or magisterial offices. The law lords, therefore, are the only true noblemen in the House of Peers, though considered by us patricians as the least noble. This distinction prevailed even in ancient Rome. The title of patrician belonged only in a proper sense to the families of which the senate was composed in the earliest times, either of the Kings, or the first Consuls, before the Commons had obtained a promiscuous admission to the public honors, and by that means into the senate. All other families, how considerable soever, were styled - plebeian. Patrician, then, and plebeian are properly opposed to each other, but noble common to them both; for the character of nobility was wholly derived from the curule magistracies which any family had borne ; and those which could boast of the greatest number, were always accounted the noblest ; "so that,” says Middle

many plebeians surpassed the patricians themselves in the point of nobility." The last batch of Peers the most credible to the monarch of any made since the time of the Tudors ; all gentlemen, all men of


character, of honorable descent, of elegant and literary tastes and endowments, and of fortune equal to the dignity. Stuart Wortley, now my most esteemed Lord Wharncliffe, a good sample of the best quality of the English country squire. Independent in his fortune and principles, proud of his ancient pedigree, a constitutional, upright, unlawyerish magistrate, a good sportsman, and Yorkshire to boot. My friend's foible is, that he thinks he is an orator and a statesman; though no fool, he is innocent of either. He is game lawing it in the House of Peers à la methodist Suffield--- he'd better not meddle with it. I must take up the subject myself. (By the way, a good article on the subject in the last month's Inspector.) Sir C. Long and Sir J. Leycester, (now Lords Farnborough and De Tabley,) are such a tirtuosous pair, that I must leave them to the historian of pieture galleries and the fine arts. I regret exceedingly that I have not the honor of C. R. Ellis's (now Lord Seaford,) bona-fide acquaintance. I only know him from his sound and able speeches on the West Indian subjects, and from having occasionally met him at Lord Granville's, at Paris, but every body knows him as the confidential friend and adviser of Mr. Canning; and it has been said that the Right Hon. Secretary bimself, with all his genius, is not a little indebted to the judgment of his friend, for aiding him in some difficult emergencies of his life. I can readily believe it. I have often admired the tact of his West Indian speeches. His cause was the most unpopular one to defend, and yet he never committed himself, or his party,---while his character, in itself, made all the declamation of Messrs. Brougham and Dr. Lushington against West Indian feelings and reputations, mere bruta fulmina. He was slightly tinctured by a hyper-refinement that bordered on the fastidious. His disposition appeared to me very Coriolanish, too proud to be popular I suspect---cut out for a lord. What a noble looking family his is---I met “handsome Augustus” (as they call him at Seaford) at Plymouth.

6. And is the notorious John Wilks to sit in the British legislature? Is the synonyme of low Stock Exchange trick---of successful joint stock company gambling--of vile attorney chicane---to sit cheek by jowl with all that is illustrious of talent, station, character, birth, and fortune in the land, to be one of the Commons of England ? But that I am unwilling to bring the proprietors of the Inspector into expensive contact with the fellow---as the greater the truth the greater the libel---I would denounce the idea, and endeavour to have the vile pettyfogging mass of the most barefaced impudence scouted from our benches. What cause can that man take in hand that will not be polluted by his touch ? What measure will not be disgraced by his vote? Shakspeare's bold expression is but a tame commentary upon this man's career--

" Fortune upon his damned quarrel smiling,

Showed like a ********'s whore.” Would Mr. Pitt, in his extremest anxiety to muster commercial parasites, sit in the House with such a person? Is it not enough to make the great Lord Chatham tremble from indignation in his grave, swell

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