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property, but that they will keep it until they can get what they think to be its value; they add, that if they were not to be the judges of the parts to be sold, they might be deprived of the very parts without which the rest would be valueless-the stream that turns the millthe centre-stone of the arch. His lordship replies, that their argu, ments have had no weight, and that he must be obeyed, or he will call down on them the vengeance of the King in council and of parliament. It is to be observed that his lordship's measures had undergone no examination before parliament; no committees had sat in anxious deļiberation; no witnesses had been examined on the probable effects; no counsel had been heard; in short, not one of the safeguards provided against the inroads to be made on private property by half a mile of road, a bridge, dock, or a tunnel, were thought necessary, as only the rights, and property, and lives of persons under the displeasure of the public, were concerned. It is dangerous to establish as a precedent, that whenever the public voice is raised, whatever be the means or artifices employed for that purpose, it is to be obeyed without enquiry, and without respect for acknow, ledged rights. When great public excitement exists, it is the duty of government to be doubly vigilant in going with the stream to steer clear of all eneroachments on private property. This caution once neglected, who can say that his property will not be the next sacrificed? The contempt manifested by Lord Bathurst for the rights and privileges of the colonists, can be ascribed to nothing but a feeling of security, arising from the persuasion that the public voice is directed against them. In other cases, government has sought the sanction of parliamentary committees, or reports of commissioners. For instance, the change effected in the law of Scotland by the introduction of trial by jury in civil cases, although an acknowledged improvement was preceded by a laborious investigation, in the course of which every person whose interests were likely to be affected, had an opportunity of being heard, No importanţ alteration has been attempted either in Scotland or Ireland, without similar caution and investigation. In England circumspection is as much in fashion :even Acts of Parliament passed for temporary purposes are not allowed to expire without enquiry; the Bank Restriction Act of 1797, which was only intended as a temporary measure, and the duration of which beyond two years after a general peace was never contemplated, was allowed to exist for years afterwards, and was not repealed until a full examination of every party and interest before committees of both Houses of Parliament. The corn laws may be adduced as another precedent for caution. The very advocates for them have long been satisfied that they are bad; but it has never been suggested by the wildest theorist that they ought to be abolished without enquiry. So far from that, the government sent a gentleman supposed to be well qualified, to the continent, for the express purpose of collecting information, and both Houses of Parliament will have been in possession of the information for months before the dise' cussion ; and before any thing is actually determined, there will be committees of both Houses, and witnesses examined from different

authority of parliamentary sanction. The rights of property, which are yested in the planters, have been placed by a nobleman* more distinguished for his rank and private virtues, than for his legal knowledge, on a footing with those of receivers of stolen goods ; but an author has been found to deny to the planters even the respectable + rights so liberally conceded by the noble duke, and to assert that, as by Gospel Dispensation, there can be po such state as West India slavery, there can be no titles, yet I belieye I may venture to rely on the national faith, pledged with all the solemnity prescribed by the British constitution, and assume that the planters' rights are undoubted. No charge has been brought against them of having violated any of the conditions on which the rights were granted; on the contrary, it is allowed that they have greatly ameliorated the condition of the slavęs since this country ceașed to force supplies on the Colonies-indeed, it is not pretended thạt the national guaranty was granted to ensure a state of comfort superior to that now enjoyed by the slaves. If, in these circumstances, a secretary of state be authorized to persevere in a course that inay have the effect of lessening in value, or of rendering insecure, the property of the planters; if he is to be the sole judge of what may produce these effects, is it not evident that the rights, under the most solemn national pledge, dwindle into rights dependent on the will of a secretary of state? It would startle you to hear a secretary of state avow that property held under acts of parliament was at his mercy; yet Lord Bathurst's proceedings towards the colonists have not stopt short of such a declaration. He requires the colonists to adopt certain measures—they say that the value and security of their property would be thereby affected, and therefore demand a pledge of indemnification against losst. His lordship thinks the measure will increase both the value and security of property, and therefore will not entertain a proposal respecting indemnity. His lordship tells the planters that they must sell such parts of their property as may be demanded of them, and that certain persons shall be the judges of what they are to receive in compensation. The planters say that they will not sell such parts as may be demanded, that they will only sell such parts as they please, and that they will not leave it to the persons whom his lordship names, to estimate the value of their

Duke of Devonshire, at the Derby county meeting,

*** Let us recollect what prodigious ruin one unguarded expression, dropt in the heat of debatę, may occasion to those whom we would not willingly injure; while it is at the same time clear that the most ardent and enthusiastic eloquence cannot hasten the enjoyment of freedom by those who are not yet in a fit ştate to receive the boon.' "Mr. Canning;

"My fixed opinion is, that those great and desirable objects have been more retarded by the intemperate zeal of those who have been the advocates of such measures, than they had been, or could be, by any direct opposition on the part of those who have opposed them.'” - Lord Chancellor's Speech, House of Lords.

"Your Committee have also learnt from the agent, that in his conference with Ministers, it has been refused to acknowledge our claims to compensation for the injuries the colonies must sustain in the mere endeavour to carry the scheme of emancipation into effect; by which refusal the Ministers have shewn an inclination not only to dispose of our property, without our consent, but even to violate those common rules of honesty which ought to govem nations as well as private persons.'”.-- Report of a Committee to the House of Assembly, Jamaica, 11 Dec. 1823.

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property, but that they will keep it until they can get what they think to be its value: they add, that if they were not to be the judges of the parts to be sold, they might be deprived of the very parts without which the rest would be valueless the stream that turns the millthe centre-stone of the arch. His lordship replies, that their arguments have had no weight, and that he must be obeyed, or he will call down on them the vengeance of the King in council and of parliament. It is to be observed that his lordship's measures had undergone no examination before parliament; no committees had sat iņ apxious deliberation; no witnesses had been examined on the probable effects; no counsel had been heard; in short, not one of the safeguards provided against the inroads to be made on private property by half a mile of road, a bridge, dock, or a tunnel, were thought necessary, as only the rights, and property, and lives of persons under the displeasure of the public, were concerned. It is dangerous to establish as a precedent, that whenever the public voice is raised, whatever be the means or artifices employed for that purpose, it is to be obeyed without enquiry, and without respect for acknow, ledged rights. When great public excitement exists, it is the duty of government to be doubly vigilant in going with the stream to steer clear of all eneroachments on private property. This caution once neglected, who can say that his property will not be the next sacrificed? The contempt manifested by Lord Bathurst for the rights and privileges of the colonists, can be ascribed to nothing but a feeling of security, arising from the persuasion that the public voice is directed against them. In other cases, government has sought the sanction of parliamentary committees, or reports of commissioners. For instance, the change effected in the law of Scotland by the introduction of trial by jury in civil cases, although an acknowledged improvement was preceded by a laborious investigation, in the course of which every person whose interests were likely to be affected, had an opportunity of being heard, No important alteration has been attempted either in Scotland or Ireland, without similar caution and investigation. In England circumspection is as much in fashion : even Aets of Parliament passed for temporary purposes are not allowed to expire without enquiry; the Bank Restriction Act of 1797, which was only intended as a temporary measure, and the duration of which beyond two years after a general peace was never contemplated, was allowed to exist for years afterwards, and was not repealed until a full examination of every party and interest before committees of both Houses of Parliament. The corn laws may be adduced as another precedent for caution. The very advocates for them have long been satisfied that they are bad; but it has never been suggested by the wildest theorist that they ought to be abolished without enquiry. So far from that, the government sent a gentleman supposed to be well qualified, to the continent, for the express purpose of collecting information, and both Houses of Parliament will have been in possession of the information for months before the discussion; and before any thing is actually determined, there will be committees of both Houses, and witnesses examined from different

parts of the country. That such extreme caution is not superfluous, one example from the proceedings of the present year will prove. His Majesty's Ministers had expressed themselves in strong terms on the justice, and, indeed, indispensable necessity, of placing the Scotch and English banks on the same footing respecting small notes. The Prime Minister had said that without such uniformity the Bank of England would have to keep specie for all the Scotch banks, without any remuneration, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer had gone so far as to declare, that without such uniformity he would not envy the situation of any future Chancellor of the Exchequer; but when the subject was investigated before a committee of the House of Commons, the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself joined the majority in voting against that uniformity.

It will scarcely be said after Mr. Canning's description of the importance and difficulty of the West India question, that it deserved or required less caution, consideration, and enquiry, than the subjects which I have just enumerated; and, therefore, I presume, now that there has been time for reflection, that no further proceedings will be adopted without the fullest and fairest investigation of the claims of the planters. If his Majesty's government will consent to be as cautious for the next three years, as Lord Bathurst, in their names, has been precipitate for the last three, they will make some amends to the Colonist, and accomplish their object in a more effectual manner than by harshness and temerity. Mr. Canning, as the organ of administration in the House of Commons, has uniformly treated the question as one requiring time and caution; and depreciated the interference of parliament on any pretext short of contumacy. The subjoined extracts will demonstrate that the conduct of the Colonists manifests a very different spirit from that of contumacy. Wherever a disposition has been evinced to delay compliance with the wishes of government, to as great an extent as would be consistent with a due regard to safety and the rights of property, that disposition may in every instance be attributed to Lord Bathurst's inconsiderate and unconciliating despatches of the 12th of June and 9th of July, 1823, on which I have already offered remarks."

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PROPOSED NEW BOND STREET UNIVERSITY,

AN EXAMINATION OF A CANDIDATE FOR A DEGREE.

We understand from very excellent authority, that an University is about to be instituted in the neighbourhood of Berkeley Square, where the old-fashioned qualifications of classical and scientific learning are to be dispensed with, and where nothing will be taught save the stiffening of cravats, the cutting out of collars, and other equally indispensable qualifications of a modern accomplished gentleman. The following is by anticipation our examination of a candidate for the degree of Bac, Dand,

Q. Repeat the articles of your faith?
A. I believe in the infallibility of Stultz. The omnipotence of

starch in cravats. The exclusiveness of Almack's. The fit of Hoby. The memory of Brummell.

Q. What is the meaning of the word, WORLD?

A. The place we live in--that is, a circle round Grosvenor Square, which a well educated horse might complete in nine minutes and fifteen seconds.

Q. If the exertion be not too much, enumerate what you consider the world to be composed of? A Imprimis.-One sun-one moon,-myself,

my coat,-and an indefinite number of men, women, and brutes.

Q. Granting these you have mentioned to be the most important objects in it, which do you consider the next?

A. My tailor.
Q. What is the aggregate number of the population of the world?

A. There were two hundred and thirty at Almack's on the last evening.

Q. What is the utmost extent of time to which a man of fashion may enjoy an intimacy?

A. From the introductory bend of the neck, to the presentment of the fore-finger; which, in cases of extraordinary excitement, has taken up a space of half an hour.

Q. Do you consider it consonant to the laws of fashion to acknowledge an intimacy at the breaking up of a rout, which was formed at the beginning of the evening?

A. I have heard of such things, but question their correctness.
Q. In what do you believe the climax of human atrocity con-

A. To bow to a man, to whom one never has been properly introduced.

Q. Admitting that it is perfectly correct in an exclusive enjoying an intimacy, had you ever a friend?

A. Yes; the most intimate I ever possessed, I dined with twice, and was seen with him for nearly a whole season in public, and recognized him at Almack's with a wrinkle in his shirt, --but I lost him-(sighs deeply.)

Q. What was the occasion of your parting ?

A. It was suspected that his valet malted,* and wore cotton stockings in the morning.

Q. Taking it for granted that you believe it possible for a mån to possess a bad character, give me your opinion what you should consider to be the vilest?

A. (Indignantly.)-A wretch who drank port wine, sent up his plate a second time for soup-used his tooth-pick more than oncethat was detected before sunset in a white cravat, or some other equal atrocity.

Q. Can you believe it probable, that a being so lost to every sense of decency and humanity can be in existence ?

A. (Mysteriously.)— I have heard it so suspected.
Q. Is it agreeable to the reputation of an exclusive to marry?

• In English---drank beer.

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