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money has been expended for the suppression of Indian hostilities during the years 1866, 1867, and so much of the year 1868 as may be practicable, stating as particularly as may be the sums expended in each military district, or State and Territory respectively.
Mr. B. F. Butler, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. 1481) to repeal an act entitled "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices,” passed March 2, 1867; which was read a first and second time and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.
On motion of Mr. Miller, by unanimous consent,
Ordered, In the case of the petition of E. G. Pendleton, of West Virginia, for a pension, that the petitioner have leave to withdraw the petition and accompanying papers.
Mr. R. R. Butler, by unanimous consent, introduced bills as follows:
H. R. 1479. For the relief of John Webb; which was read a first and second time and referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.
H. R. 1480. For the relief of Tarlton A. Middleton, late a lieutenant in company B, 4th Tennessee infantry; which was read a first and second time and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.
The Speaker having announced the regular order of business, the calling of committees for reports,
Mr. Sidney Clarke, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, submitted a report in writing, ) accompanied by a joint resolution (H. Res. 370) for the sale of certain stocks held in trust for the Choctaw and Chickasaw Indians; which was read a first and second time, recommitted to the Committee on Indian Affairs, and ordered to be printed.
Mr. E. B. Washburne moved to reconsider the vote by which the said joint resolution was ordered to be recommitted, and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table; which latter motion was agreed to.
Mr. Sidney Clarke, by unanimous consent, submitted the following resolution; which was read, considered, and agreed to, viz:
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Interior is hereby directed to report to this House the whole amount of the expenses incurred by the last commission appointed to treat with the Great and Little Osage Indians; the value of all presents presented to said Indians, with an itemized account of all expenses showing all articles and objects for which expenditures were made; also whether or not any persons attend. ing the counsels held with said Indians were transported and subsisted at the expense of the United States, and if so, to give the names of all such persons and the amount of expense incurred for this purpose.
Mr. Garfield, from the Committee on Military Affairs, reported a bill (H. R. 1482) to restore the Bureau of Indian Affairs to the Department of War; which was read a first and second time.
Mr. Windom moved that the said bill be laid on the table; which was disagreed to.
Mr. Garfield moved the previous question on the engrossment of the said bill; which was seconded and the main question ordered.
The bill having been engrossed,
It was accordingly read a third time, and under the operation of the previous question passed.
116 It was decided in the affirmative, Nays..
72 The yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth of the members present,
Those who voted in the affirmative areMr. William B. Allison Mr. Henry L. Daweg Mr. William H. Kelsey Mr. William H. Robertson Oakes Ames Oliver J. Dickey John H. Ketcham
Robert C. Schenck George W. Anderson Nathan F. Dixon
William H. Koontz Glenni W. Scofield Stevenson Archer Ignatius Donnelly Israel G. Lash
Charles Sitgreaves Samuel M. Arnell John F. Driggs
George V. Lawrence Worthington C. Smith Samuel B. Axtell Ephraim R. Eckley William Lawrence
Rufus P. Spalding John D. Baldwin W. P. Edwards
William S. Lincoln H. H. Starkweather Nathaniel P. Banks Benjamin Eggleston Benjamin F. Loan
Aaron F. Stevens Fernando C. Beaman Jacob H. Ela
William Loughridge Thomas E. Stewart John Beatty Thomas D. Eliot Job Lynch
William B. Stokes
John H. Stover
J. H. Sypher
James K. Moorhead Charles L'pson
Henry Van Aernam Ralph P. Buckland John Hil!
Burt Van Horn Roderick R. Butler Samuel Hooper
Charles H. Van Wyck John B. Callis Benjamin F. Hopkins Godlove S. Orth
Cadwal'r C. Washburn John C. Churchill Julius Hotchkiss Halbert E. Paine
Ellihu B. Washburne Reader W. Clarke Chester D. Hubbard Sidney Perham
Henry D. Washburn Sidney Clarke Calvin T. Hulburd John A. Peters
William B. Washburn
B. F. Whittemore
William Williams Simeon Corley George W. Julian Luke P. Poland
James F. Wilson John Covode William D. Kelley Daniel Polsley
Fernando Wood Shelby M. Cullom Francis W. Kellogg Theodore M. Pomeroy P. M. B. Young.
Those who voted in the negative are-
Mr. Charles A. Eldridge Mr. Thomas L. Jones Mr. Lewis W. Ross
James R. McCormick Lawrence S. Trimble Benjamin F. Butler Adam J. Glossbrenner William Mungen
Daniel M. Van Auken Henry L. Cake William Higby
William E. Niblack Philadelph Vau Trump Samuel F. Cary Ebon C. Ingersoll John A. Nicholson
William Windom John W. Chanler
Thomas A. Jenckes Benjamin W. Norris George W. Woodward. John T. Dewetse
Those not voting are-
William E. Robinson
Logan H. Roots Alexander H. Bailey Samuel F. Gove
Philetus Sawyer William H. Barnum John A. Griswold
John P. C. Shanks
Samuel Shellabarger W. Jasper Blackburn George A. Halsey James Mullins
Frederick Stone Thomas Boles
Charles M. Hamilton Carman A. Newcomb Caleb N. Taylor George S. Boutwell Abner C. Harding
J. P. Newsham
Row'd E. Trowbridge C. C. Bowen Isaac R. Hawking David A. Nunn
Ginery Twichell Henry P. H. Bromwell William S. Holman
Charles W. Pierce
Robert T. Van Horn Charles W. Buckley Asahel W. Hubbard Frederick A. Pike
John T. Wilson
Stephen F. Wilson Grenville M. Dodge J. Proctor Knott
Samuel J. Randall
Fred'k E. Woodbridge
Ordered, That the Clerk request the concurrence of the Senate in the said bill.
Mr. Garfield moved that the vote on the final passage of the said bill be reconsidered, and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table; which latter motion was agreed to.
The morning hour having expired,
Mr. Julian, by unanimous consent, introduced a joint resolution (H. Res. 371) proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed.
Mr. Orth, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. 1483) in reference to swamp land; which was read a first and second time and referred to the Committee on the Public Lands.
Mr. Orth moved that the vote referring the said bill be reconsidered, and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table; which latter motion was agreed to.
Mr. E. B. Washburne moved that the House proceed to the consideration of business on the Speaker's table; which was disagreed to.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1868.
Mr. Paine, by unanimous consent, from the Select Committee on Reconstruction, reported a bill (H. R. 1484) to relieve from disabilities Franklin J. Moses, of South Carolina; which was read a first and second time.
Ordered, That it be engrossed and read a third time.
Being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time and passed, two-thirds voting in favor thereof.
Ordered, That the Clerk request the concurrence of the Senate therein.
Mr. Ellihu B. Washburne, by unanimous consent, introduced a joint resolution (H. Res. 372) directing the sale of the steamer Atlantic; which was read a first and second time.
Ordered, That it be engrossed and read a third time.
Mr. Washburne moved that the vote last taken be reconsidered, and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table; which latter motion was agreed to.
Ordered, That the Clerk request the concurrence of the Senate in the said joint resolution.
A message from the Senate by Mr. Hamlin, one of their clerks: Mr. Speaker: The Senate have passed a bill of the following title, viz: S. 658. An act to relieve from disabilities Franklin J. Moses, a citizen of South Carolina; in which I am directed to ask the concurrence of the House.
By unanimous consent, leave of absence was granted to Mr. Barnes until Tuesday next.
The Speaker, by unanimous consent, laid before the House a report from the Surgeon General of the expenditures for the completion of Providence Hospital up to December 1, 1868; which was referred to the Committee on Appropriations and ordered to be printed.
Mr. Bingham, from the Committee on Reconstruction, reported a bill (H. R. 1485) providing for an election in Virginia; which was read a tirst and second time.
Pending the question on its engrossment,
Mr. Washburne moved to amend the same by striking out, wherever occurring, “ Wednesday, the 20th day of January," and inserting in lieu thereof "4th Thursday of May."
Pending which, A message in writing was received from the President of the United States; which was handed in at the Speaker's table.
The Speaker, by unanimous consent, laid the said message before the House; which was read, and is as follows, viz: Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives :
Upon the reassembling of Congress, it again becomes my duty to call your attention to the state of the Union, and to its continued disorganized condition under the various laws which have been passed upon the subject of reconstruction.
It may be safely assumed, as an axiom in the government of States, that the greatest wrongs inflicted upon a people are caused by unjust and arbitrary legislation, or by the unrelenting decrees of despotic rulers, and that the timely revocation of injurious and oppressive meas. ures is the greatest good that can be conferred upon a nation. The legislator or ruler who has the wisdom and magnanimity to retrace his steps, when convinced of error, will sooner or later be rewarded with the respect and gratitude of an intelligent and patriotic people.
Our own history-although embracing a period less than a centuryatfords abundant proof that most if not all of our domestic troubles are directly traceable to violations of the organic law and excessive legislation. The most striking illustrations of this fact are furnished by the enactments of the past three years upon the question of reconstruction. After a fair trial they have substantially failed and proved pernicious in their results, and there seems to be no good reason why they should longer remain upon the statute-book. States to which the Constitution guarantees a republican form of government have been reduced to military dependencies, in each of which the people have been made subject
arbitrary will of the commanding general. Although the Const tution requires that each State shall be represented in Congress, Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas are yet excluded from the two houses, and, contrary to the express provisions of that instrument, were denied participation in the recent election for a President and Vice-President of the United States. The attempt to place the white population under the domination of persons of color in the South has impairect, if not destroyed, the kindly relations that had previously existed between them; and mutual distrust has engendered a feeling of animosity which, leading in some instances to collision and bloodshed, has prevented that co-operation between the two races so essential to the success of industrial enterprise in the southern States. Nor have the inhabitants of those States alone suffered from the disturbed condition of affairs growing out of these congressional enactments. The entire Union has been agitated by grave apprehensions of troubles which might again involve the peaco of the nation; its interests have been injuriously affected by the derangement of business and labor, and the consequent want of prosperity throughout that portion of the country.
The federal Constitution—the magna charta of American rights, under whose wise and salutary provisions we have successfully conducted all our domestic and foreign affairs, sustained ourselves in peace and in war, and become a great nation among the powers of the earth-must assuredly be now adequate to the settlement of questions growing out of the civil war waged alone for its vindication. This great fact is made most manifest by the condition of the country when Congress assembled in the month of December, 1865. Civil strife had ceased; the spirit of rebellion had spent its entire force; in the southern States the people had warmed into national life, and throughout the whole country a healthy reaction in public sentiment had taken place. By the application of the simple yet effective provisions of the Constitution, the executive department, with the voluntary aid of the States, had brought the work of restoration as near completion as was within the scope of its authority, and the nation was encouraged by the prospect of an early and satisfactory adjustment of all its difficulties. Congress, however, intervened, and refusing to perfect the work so nearly consummated, declined to admit members from the unrepresented States, adopted a series of measures which arrested the progress of restoration, frustrated all that had been so successfully accomplished, and, after three years of agitation and strife, has left the country further from the attainment of union and fraternal feeling than at the inception of the congressional plan of reconstruction. It needs no argument to show that legislation which has proluced such baneful consequences should be abrogated, or else made to conform to the genuine principles of republican government.
Under the influence of party passion and sectional prejudice, other acts have been passed not warranted by the Constitution. Congress has already been made familiar with my views respecting the “tenure of office bill.” Experience has proved that its repeal is demanded by the best interests of the country, and that while it remains in force the President cannot enjoin that rigid accountability of public officers so essential to an honest and efficient execution of the laws. Its revocation would enable the executive department to exercise the power of appointment and removal in accordance with the original design of the federal Constitution.
The act of March 2, 1867, making appropriations for the support of the army for the year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purposes, contains provisions which interfere with the President's constitutional functions as commander-in-chief of the army, and deny to States of the Union the right to protect themselves by means of their own militia. These provisions should be at once annulled; for while the first might, in times of great emergency, seriously embarrass the Executive in efforts to employ and direct the common strength of the nation for its protection and preservation, the other is contrary to the express declaration of the Constitution, that " a well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed."
It is believed that the repeal of all such laws would be accepted by the American people as at least a partial return to the fundamental principles of the government, and an indication that hereafter the Constitution is to be made the nation's safe and unerring guide. They can be productive of no permanent benefit to the country, and should not be permitted to stand as so many monuments of the deficient wisdoin which has characterized our recent legislation.
The condition of our finances demands the early and earnest consideration of Congress. Compared with the growth of our population, the public expenditures have reached an amount unprecedented in our history.
The population of the United States in 1790 was nearly four millions of people. Increasing each decade about thirty-three per cent., it reached in 1860 thirty-one millions—an increase of seven hundred per cent. on the population in 1790. In 1869 it is estimated that it will reach thirtyeight millions, or an increase of eight hundred and sixty-eight per cent. in seventy-nine years.
The annual expenditures of the federal government in 1791 were four million two hundred thousand dollars; in 1820, eighteen million two hundred thousand dollars; in 1850, forty-one millions; in 1860, sixtythree millions ; in 1865, nearly thirteen hundred millions; and in 1869 it is estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury, in his last annual report, that they will be three hundred and seventy-two millions.
By comparing the public disbursements of 1869, as estimated, with those of 1791, it will be seen that the increase of expenditure since the beginning of the government has been eight thousand six hundred and eighteen per centum, while the increase of the population for the same period was only eight hundred and sixty-eight per centum. Again, the expenses of the government in 1860, the year of peace immediately preceding the war, were only sixty-three millions; while in 1869, the year