retained a copy, of which I might hereafter avail myself.

A letter from General Washington, of the nineteenth, informs Congress, that the residue of the British fleet was about leaving New York; that twentyfive transports had arrived there from Quebec, prepared, before their sailing, for the reception of troops; and that he had received, through two channels, intelligence that troops were actually embarking, although he could not vouch for it. Another account had also arrived of the evacuation of Charleston, the foreign troops having gone to Halifax, and the British to the West Indies.

Colonel Hamilton took his seat in Congress yesterday as a delegate from the State of New York. Mr. Peters, Mr. Fitzsimmons, and General Mifflin, have attended some days as members from Pennsylvania.97

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, December 3, 1782.

Applications from the States of New Hampshire and Massachusetts, concerning the old paper of which they hold a surplus, have called the attention of Congress once more to that subject. The Superintendent, on a reference to him, reported, in rigid adherence to his maxims of public faith, that credit should be given for all surpluses at the rate of one for forty. This proposition was readily negatived by Congress.

Whereupon a motion was made by Mr. Osgood, that the States should be credited according to the current value at the time of redemption, which, with one of the letters from Massachusetts, was referred to a Grand Committee. The Committee are unanimous, that the burden of redeeming the old paper, as well as all the public burdens, ought to be equitably apportioned on the States. On the mode and the rate, a diversity of ideas prevail. One expedient suggested was, to call anew on the States to sink the money, and leave them to level its inequalities by negotiations among themselves. This met with very little countenance. Another was, to declare, that, as soon as the entire sum should be taken up by the States from their respective citizens, Congress would proceed to charge the several surpluses on the deficient States at the rates equity might prescribe. The objections against this were, that it gave no immediate satisfaction to the complaining States, and would prolong the internal embarrassments of the States, which obstructed the requisitions of Congress. Lastly, it was proposed to authorize the Commissioners, who are to traverse the country for another purpose, to take up the unredeemed bills, and form them into a part of the common debt by issuing to the individuals specie certificates at the rate of ; and to apply the like rule to an adjustment of the disproportionate redemptions of the States. This expedient was, upon the whole, least disrelished by the Committee, and is now under their consideration. Its reasonableness and its fate, both, will depend much on the scale by which as well the redeemed as the outstanding bills are to be

valued. In all questions relative to this subject, the defect of information under which we lie makes it difficult for us to deduce the general interest from a just and fair comparison of particular interests. To supply, in some degree, this defect with regard to Virginia, I shall enclose to Mr. Ambler, for his answers, a number of queries, of which I herein add a copy for you. Some of the queries, indeed, have a greater reference to other subjects. If you can assist Mr. Ambler, or can enlarge the plan by other queries, I beg you to do it. If the sense of the leading members of the Assembly can be conveniently gathered, it might also be of use. A public consultation would violate the secrecy which is judged necessary to prevent a revival of speculation, and which led me to the use of the cipher on this occasion.

The Secretary of Foreign Affairs communicated to me, a few days ago, his determination speedily to resign his office. He asked me, in the course of conversation, whether I thought Mr. Jefferson would prefer the vacancy to his foreign appointment. I answered him in the negative. He then asked, whether I supposed he would accept the commission of Jay at Madrid, in case the latter should prefer the Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs, and be appointed to it. I told him I could not answer that question, but doubted whether Congress would consent to part with the services of Mr. Jay as a negotiator of peace. I wish you would mention this conversation to

and acquaint me with the result. The want of a cipher with him will be an apology for omitting a direct communication. Through your hands, also, it may be accompanied with explanations, if requisite.

I leave it to yourself to decide how far it may be worth while to feel the pulse of our friend McClurg with respect to the vacancy in question.

Mr. Marbois apprized me, two evenings ago, that a French frigate will sail from this port in about three weeks, and that it is probable Count Rochambeau and the Chevalier Chastellux will take their passage in her, rather than in the frigate in the Chesapeake. If the river should not be threatened with ice, the time of her sailing may possibly be procrastinated. Should this obstruction not take place before the middle of January, there will be some chance of another frigate at this port. These circumstances may be very interesting to Mr. Jefferson, and I beg you to give him the earliest notice of them. If I could suppose that these and other considerations could leave any uncertainty as to his coming hither in the first instance, I would press that point anew, being more and more convinced of its utility, not to say necessity, and finding that it is generally viewed in the same light.

The merits of the controversy are likely to be brought under trial of the court at Trenton, the agents of Connecticut having been foiled in every plea for an adjournment. But I do not hear that any progress is made from which the issue can be presumed.

The Legislature of this State has just published for consideration a bill subjecting to the penalties of treason all attempts for erecting an independent State within its charter limits. This circumstance, with some votes which have been lately taken in Congress with reference to Vermont, leave no doubt that the policy of Pennsylvania will in future be reversed.

Your favor of the twenty-second ultimo, with the cipher enclosed, came by yesterday's post, but very unluckily without having been sealed. This omission lessens much my confidence in the cipher, although it seems scarcely possible for any advantage to have been taken, unless the letter lay longer out of your hands before the mail was closed than the interval between the arrival here and its coming into my hands; to say nothing of the honor of the post-offices. I inquired of Mr. Hazard, without mentioning the fact, how far the regulations of the mail admitted of such frauds. His answer, although not absolutely conclusive, favors the purity of the cipher; and I shall venture to make use of it unless you recommend the contrary, or until you transmit a new one.

The paragraph which touches the subject of your return does not altogether please me. I disrelish exceedingly any idea of your resignation. I cannot perceive the necessity of such a step in any view, and I see a manifest inexpediency in putting it out of your power, throughout the present critical year, to lend your aid in any emergency whatever. I hope you will soon relieve my anxiety on this subject.

On the article of news, I must again deal entirely in negatives; no arrivals from Europe, or the West Indies, affording any positive matter, and the domestic sources being equally deficient. There is, indeed, a report that the October packet has arrived at New York, and a rumor that it authenticates the fall of Gibraltar.98