latter and the United States as to require an execution of the stipulations in the sixth and seventh articles, or whether a definitive treaty only can produce this effect. The system for foreign affairs is not yet digested, and, I apprehend, will be long on the anvil, unless the actual return of our Ministers from Europe should stimulate Congress on the subject.113 DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, April 29, 1783. The definitive treaty, it is said, is to be remitted to the two Imperial Courts for their approbation, before the last hand will be put to it. This will be a mere compliment, however; and, as the parties have settled their interests without their intermediation, there can be no pretext, if there were a disposition, to meddle. It appears, from English gazettes, that Shelburne has been so pressed by the unpopularity of some of the terms of peace, that he could not prevent a vote of the House of Commons, declaring them to be disadvantageous and dishonorable. The consequence prognosticated is another change of the administration in favor of North's and Fox's parties, who have made a common cause against Shelburne. The propositions relative to the national debt, with an address enforcing it, and referring to sundry documents, &c., is completed, and will soon be forwarded to the Legislatures. DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, May 6, 1783. After a silence of four weeks, your favor of the twenty-sixth ultimo was particularly welcome. Your conjecture was but too well founded as to the compiler of the proclamation. The offensive passages were adverted to by some, but the general eagerness on the occasion, increased by some unavoidable delays, rendered all attempts to draw the attention of Congress to smaller inaccuracies unacceptable. We have no late despatches from Paris, except a letter from Mr. Adams. We are informed from Madrid, by Mr. Carmichael and the Marquis de la Fayette, that that Court, since the British acknowledgment of our Independence, has dismissed its hauteur and reserve towards the United States, has treated the American Chargé d'Affaires with due attention, and has signified its acquiescence in the limits fixed by the provisional articles between the United States and Great Britain. The navigation of the Mississippi remains to be discussed. Yesterday was fixed for an interview between General Washington and Sir Guy Carleton, for the purpose of taking arrangements for carrying the stipulations of the provisional articles into effect. The interview was proposed by the former, who intimated, that, as the evacuation of the post of New York was particularly interesting to the State of New York, Governor Clinton would accompany him on the interview. The answer of Carleton imported that he did not decline the proposition, but suggested, that, as General Gray was expected with final orders, it might be best to postpone the conference, adding that he should be attended by Lieutenant-Governor Eliott, and Chief-Justice Smith.114 DEAR SIR, TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Philadelphia, May 6, 1783. Congress have received a long letter from Mr. Adams, dated in February, addressed to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. He animadverts on the revocation of his commission for a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain; presses the appointment of a Minister to that Court with such a commission, &c., &c. Letters from the Marquis de la Fayette and Mr. Carmichael show that the Court of Spain has become pretty tractable since the acknowledgment of our Independence by Great Britain. The latter has been treated with due respect, and the Court has agreed to accede to the territorial line it fixed for West Florida in the provisional articles. The navigation of the Mississippi remains to be settled. My absence from Congress the past week disables me from giving you exact information of their latest proceedings. I am told that, in consequence of Mr. Adams's letter, the Secretary of Foreign Affairs has been instructed to project a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, which will probably bring the attention of Congress to the general department of foreign affairs. DEAR SIR, TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Philadelphia, May 13, 1783. Marbois lately took occasion in our family to complain of ungenerous proceedings of the British against individuals, as well as against their enemies at large, and finally signified that he was no stranger to the letter transmitted to Congress, which he roundly averred to be spurious. His information came from Boston, where the incident is said to be no secret; but whether it be the echo of letters from Philadelphia, or has transpired from the correspondence of Mr. Adams to his private friends, is uncertain. This conversation passed during my absence in New Jersey, but was related to me by Mr. Carroll. A project for a treaty of commerce with Great Britain has been reported by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and is now in the hands of a committee. The objects most at heart are, first, a direct trade between this country and the West Indies; secondly, a right of carrying between the latter and other parts of the British Empire; thirdly, a right of carrying from the West Indies to all other parts of the world. As the price of these advantages, it is proposed that we shall admit British subjects to equal privileges with our own citizens. As to the first object, it may be observed, that the bill lately brought into the British Parliament renders it probable that it may be obtained without such a cession; as to the second, that it concerns the Eastern States chiefly; and as to the third, that it concerns them alone, whilst the privilege to be conceded will chiefly, if not alone, affect the Southern States. The interest of these seems to require that they should retain at least the faculty of giving any encouragement to their own merchants' ships or mariners, which may be necessary to prevent a relapse under Scotch monopoly, or to acquire a maritime importance, The Eastern States need no such precaution. General Washington and General Carleton have had an interview on the subject of arrangements for executing the provisional treaty. It was interrupted by the sudden indisposition of the latter. In the conversation which took place, he professed intentions of evacuating New York and all the posts in the United States held by British garrisons, as soon as possible, but did not authorize any determinate or speedy expectations. He confessed that a number of negroes had gone off with the refugees since the arrival of the treaty, and undertook to justify the permission by a palpable and scandalous misconstruction of the treaty, and by the necessity of adhering to the proclamations under the faith of which the negroes had eloped into their service. He said, that if the treaty should be otherwise explained, compensation would be made to the owners; and, to make this the more easy, a register had been, and would be, kept of all negroes leaving New York before the surrender of it by the British garrison. This information has been referred by Congress to a committee. But the progress already made in the discharge of the prisoners, -the only convenient pledge by which fair dealing, on the other side, could be enforced, makes it probable that no remedy will be applied to the evil.115 |