ministerial pamphleteers as a safeguard against retaliation. The other nations of Europe seem to have more honorable views towards our commerce, sundry advances having been made to our Ministers on that subject. ment. Congress have come to no decision even as yet on any of the great branches of the peace establishThe military branch is supported and quickened by the presence of the Commander-in-chief, but without any prospect of a hasty issue. The Department of Foreign Affairs, both internal and external, remains as it has long done. The election of a Secretary has been an order of the day for many months without a vote being taken. The importance of the Marine Department has been diminished by the sale of almost all the vessels belonging to the United States. The Department of Finance is an object of almost daily attack, and will be reduced to its crisis on the final resignation of Mr. Morris, which will take place in a few months. The War Office is connected with the military establishment, and will be regulated, I suppose, in conformity to what that may be. Among other subjects which divide Congress, their constitutional authority, touching such an establishment in time of peace, is one. Another still more puzzling is the precise jurisdiction proper for Congress within the limits of their permanent seat. As these points may possibly remain undecided till November, I mention them particularly that your aid may be prepared. The investigation of the mutiny ended in the condemnation of several sergeants, who were stimulated to the measure, without being apprized of the object, by the two officers who escaped. They have all received a par don from Congress. The real plan and object of the mutiny lies in profound darkness. I have written this in hopes that it may get to Monticello before you leave it. It might have been made more interesting if I had brought the cipher from Philadelphia, though my present situation required a great effort to accomplish as much as I have. I am obliged to write in a position that scarcely admits the use of any of my limbs, Mr. Jones and myself being lodged in a room not ten feet square and without a single accommodation for writing. 194 DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Princeton, September 20, 1783. I have nothing to add to my last, on the subject of foreign affairs, further than that the Court of France has fixed on L'Orient as a free port for the United States. The Virginia cession underwent a decision of Congress a day or two after my last. The form which they have given it may be seen in the hands of the Executive. I sincerely hope it may meet the ultimatum of Virginia.125 TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, September 30, 1783. DEAR SIR, Your favor introducing Mr. Corbin, and that by the last week's post have both been received. The for mer did not get to Princeton before Mr. Corbin had left it, nor did I get to this place till he was so near leaving it, that I had no opportunity of manifesting my respect for your recommendations otherwise than by verbal civilities to him. Yesterday's post brought me no letter from you. In answer to your comment in the preceding one on the reception of a Minister from the economical republic to which we are allied, it will suffice to inform you, that, in pursuance of a commission from him, six elegant horses are provided for his coach, as was to have been one of the best houses in the most fashionable part of the city. Wherever commerce prevails there will be an inequality of wealth; and wherever the latter does, a simplicity of manners must decline. Our foreign intelligence remains as at the date of my last. I forget whether I mentioned to you that our Ministers unanimously express surprise at the doubt started in America as to the epoch which terminated hostilities on our coast. They affirm, that one month from the date of the instrument was meant, and suppose that that exposition will not be contested. Pray can your researches inform me, first, whether prizes made by and from parties not subject to the power before whose maritime courts they are carried, are provisionally or finally tried? — secondly, how far the rules established by the Sovereign of the captor, and those by the Sovereign of the courts, prevail in such trials?-thirdly, what difference is made in cases where both the parties concerned in the capture are subject to the same power, and where they are subject to different powers? DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, October 13, 1783. The past week has been spent by Congress in deliberating on,— first, their permanent seat; secondly, their temporary one. The competition for the former lay between the falls of the Potomac and those of the Delaware. We hoped, at first, from the apparent views of the Eastern Delegates, that they would have given a preference to Potomac. In the event they joined with Pennsylvania and the intermediate States in favor of the Delaware. The consequence of which is, the vicinity of its falls is to become the future seat of the Federal Government, unless a conversion of some of the Eastern States can be effected. The next point was the abode of Congress until the permanent seat could receive them. The expediency of removing from Princeton, in order to the more convenient transaction of the affairs of the United States, and accommodation of Congress, was first determined on; Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island alone being opposed to it. Trenton was next proposed, on which question the votes were divided by the river Delaware. Philadelphia came next in order. Besides its convenient position in relation to the permanent seat, and superior temporary accommodations for the public business and for Congress, arguments in its favor were drawn from the tendency of passing by these accommodations to others inferior in themselves, and more distant from the permanent seat, to denote a resentment unworthy of a sovereign author ity against a part of its constituents which had fully expiated any offence which they might have committed, and at the same time to convert their penitential and affectionate temper into the bitterest hatred. To enforce this idea, some of the proceedings of Congress expressive of resentment against Philadelphia were made use of. Great stress also was laid on the tendency of removing to any small or distant place, to prevent or delay business which the honor and interest of the United States required should be despatched as soon as possible. soon as possible. On the other side, objections were drawn from those sources which have produced dislikes to Philadelphia, and which will be easily conjectured by you. On the question, New York, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, and North Carolina, were aye; Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New Jersey, no; and Maryland and South Carolina, divided. If either of the divided States had been in the affirmative, it was the purpose of New Jersey to add a seventh vote in favor of Philadelphia. The division of South Carolina was owing to the absence of Mr. Rutledge and Mr. Izard, both of whom would have voted for Philadelphia. The State was represented by two members only. The division of Maryland, represented by Mr. Carroll and Mr. McHenry, was occasioned by the negative of the latter, whose zeal for Annapolis determined him to sacrifice every consideration to an experiment in its favor, before he would accede to the vote for Philadelphia. The aversion of the Eastern States was the ground of his coalition with them. The arguments in favor of Annapolis consisted of objections against Philadelphia. Those against it were chiefly the same |