and Matthew. Aixoтoμnoel of course translates the verb Διχοτομήσει and ופלגנה מנתה עם שַׁקָרִיא : The original text was .פלג will divide him his portion with the unfaithful.' 30 By a very natural bit of carelessness (supposing the first suffix to be direct object rather than indirect) the conjunction 1 was put before . This once done could never be undone, and the addition of the verb at the end of the ופלגנה ומנתה עם שקריא 81 :clause was immediately necessary DTM*, ‘and will divide him, and his portion with the unfaithful (will appoint).' xii. 49 f. Πῦρ ἦλθον βαλεῖν εἰς τὴν γῆν, καὶ τί θέλω εἰ ἤδη ἀνήφθη; βάπτισμα δὲ ἔχω βαπτισθῆναι, καὶ πῶς συνέχομαι ἕως ŏTOV TEλEσOĥ. 'I came to cast fire upon the earth, and what ὅτου τελεσθῇ. will I if it is already kindled? I have a baptism to be baptised with, and how am I straitened till it be accomplished!' I have given the second clause of verse 49 in the words of the English Revised Version. The rendering is nonsense, to be sure, but it at least has the merit of following the text. Many interpreters, including some of the foremost of the Germans, have rendered according to the sense: 'How I wish that it were already kindled!' but this, as Plummer fairly objects, "does rather serious violence to the Greek." Turning the Greek back, word by word, into Aramaic, we But whoever has .ומה צבא אנא אלו מן כדו דְלָקַת :have 18 before him this Aramaic, not feeling obliged to render word for word, but rather to give the sense, can only translate it: 'And how I wish that it were already kindled !' The idiom is the regular one in Aramaic. We are given in Luke a too literal rendering-though any ancient translator would have been likely to render in just this way. xxiii. 54. — Καὶ ἡμέρα ἣν παρασκευῆς, καὶ σάββατον ἐπέφωσκεν. 'Now it was the Day of Preparation, and the next day was the Sabbath.' The same idiom which has already been mentioned, above, in interpreting Matt. xxviii. 1. Moore, in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, 26. 328 f., 30 The idiom is perfectly regular; cf., for example, the Syr. renderings in Is. liii. 12; Jer. xxxvii. 12, etc. This word is regularly used to mean both 'faithless' (Luke, åriorwv) and 'hypocrite' (Matt., VжOкρITŵv). showed that the original of Luke's phrase was something same phrase in the Syriac Chronicle of Joshua the Stylite, I have noticed the very .והוה יומא דערובתא נגדי שבתא :like where Wright איתוהי יומא דערובתא מנהי שבתא :9 p. 22, line translates: 'It was the night between Friday and Saturday.' In the evangelist's narrative, the hour is not stated; we only know that it was the time when the sixth day was passing over into the Sabbath. Any Aramaic text would have used here the word ", "dawn,” but no Greek writer would ever in this place have written éπépwσxev unless he were translating the Semitic word which actually lay before him in a document. Luke is using either the Aramaic Mark or a narrative based upon it; the % oтIV πроσáßßатоν of Mark xv. 42 is another very natural, but less accurate, rendering of ננהי שבתא xxiv. 32.- Οὐχὶ ἡ καρδία ἡμῶν καιομένη ἦν; “Did not our heart burn?” The hypothesis of an original Aramaic p", instead of p, has long seemed to me the most satisfactory interpretation: "Was not our mind [ is the understanding] slow to comprehend?" Wellhausen's 11, Das Evangelium Lucae, 139, seems to me much too remote to be compared here. Neither the Hebrew verb nor any likely Aramaic equivalent of it could possibly have been rendered by kaloμai, and 1 (the same word in Aramaic as in Hebrew) would probably have been translated by OTλáуxva, certainly not by kapdía. I do not think, however, that we have a particle of external evidence of the original Aramaic reading. Every one of the readings of our versions is probably derived, directly or indirectly, from kaloμévn, the variations being due partly to corruption of the Greek and partly to guessing what ought to have been the reading. The corruption and the guesswork are important, as showing that the idiom was as unsatisfactory in Greek as it was in Semitic (witness the Syriac, where not only the Lewis text, but also the Curetonian and Peshitto, both of which have been extensively conformed to the standard Greek, have the reading 'heavy'). It is obvious enough, in any case, that this whole chapter is translated. Numerous other indications of translation in the Third Gospel which I had noted in my own reading, and which were included in this essay as originally presented, 32 have now been pointed out by Wellhausen in his Introduction and Commentaries, so that I need not include them. One of these to which attention may especially be called is the ȧò μâs, 'at once,' of xiv. 18. It is a too literal rendering of, and occurs in a section of the parable (verses 1824) which is found only in Luke, and can hardly have been known to Matthew. In general, the evidence is striking that where Luke goes his own way he is usually closely following written documents, mostly Aramaic. In Mark xiv. 3, Matt. xxvi. 6, may it not be that 'Simon the leper' (2) 33 was originally intended to be 'Simon the jar-maker' ()? I do not know that the latter word has been found anywhere; still, no object was more familiar in Palestine than the water jar, or wine jar, 7, and the term used to designate the man who made or sold such jars can only have been 32 It was read before the Semitic Club of Yale University, January 18, 1904; and before the Society of Biblical Literature, in New York City, in December, 1906. As originally written and presented, it contained all the essential features of its present form, including all of the suggested emendations excepting the one concerning 'Simon the leper.' "The word used, for example, in the Palestinian Syriac version in these passages. ORIENTAL CULTS IN SPAIN CLIFFORD HERSCHEL MOORE Harvard University As Livy remarks, the provinces of Spain were the first to be acquired by the Romans on the continent of Europe and the last to be thoroughly subdued. Yet under the republic the Romanization of these provinces had advanced far. Carteia in the south was the first Latin colony outside of Italy; 2 Gades, the oldest Phoenician settlement in the peninsula, was the first foreign city to adopt the law and language of the conquerors, and was so fully Romanized by Augustus's day that the census showed five hundred knights resident there, a larger number than was to be found in any provincial town of Italy except Patavium, according to Strabo. Under Julius Cæsar and Augustus many Spanish communities received full Roman citizenship. These towns, moreover, were not wholly confined to the coast, but many were situated in the interior parts of the peninsula, especially in Bætica, where Corduba, Hispalis, and Urso were undoubtedly important centres of Roman culture long before they were made Roman colonies in the years 46-44 B.C.; the interior of Tarraconensis, however, especially that area now represented by New Castile and a considerable part of Old Castile, together with the modern provinces of Salamanca and Caceres, was not occupied by any town with full Roman rights. In the valley of the Iberus, Cæsaraugusta, the modern Saragossa in the province of the same name, occupied a somewhat advanced position; while in Lusitania, Augusta Emerita, now Merida in the province of Badajos, founded in 25 B.C., exerted a strong influence. But the northwestern quarter of the peninsula long resisted the Roman arms, so that the conquest was only completed by Agrippa's successes ' iii. p. 169. 1 xxviii. 12. 12. Livy, xliii. 3. 1-4. Pliny, Naturalis Historia, iii. 24; Strabo, iii. p. 151. |