the Tyler Cabinet. His own State was not averse to the Kentucky leader. When a mutual friend desired to reconcile the two mighty leaders who had become somewhat estranged through the Tyler episodes, Clay replied to the friend, "I have done Mr. Webster no wrong, and have therefore no reconciliation to seek. Should I be a candidate for the presidency, I shall be glad to receive his support, or that of any other American citizen; but I can enter into no arrangements, make no promises, offer no pledges to obtain it."

The Whig convention of 1844. The national Whig convention was held in the convention city, Baltimore, on the 1st of May, 1844. Every State in the Union was represented. It was but a ratification meeting, aflame with enthusiasm, aroused by the magic of a matchless leader. Clay was nominated without opposition. For Vice-President, Theodore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey was nominated on the third ballot. After some speech-making, Reverdy Johnson reported a platform of principles as follows:

Resolved, That these principles may be summed up as comprising a well regulated currency; tariff for revenue to defray the necessary expenses of the government and discriminating with special reference to the protection of the domestic labor of the country; the distribution of the proceeds from the sales of the public lands; a single term for the presidency; a reform of executive usurpations; and generally such an administration of the affairs of the country as shall impart to every branch of the public service the greatest practical efficiency, controlled by a well-regulated and wise economy.

The convention then adjourned with the political skies full of promise.

State of the Democratic party in 1844. In striking contrast with the unanimity of this convention, we now pass to notice the strenuous contest in the national Democratic convention, held in the same city, on the 27th day of the same month. The success of the Log Cabin candidate in 1840 had been looked upon by many influential Democrats as a triumph

of buffoonery. At most they asserted that it was one of the occasions when the rabble for the time had control and in the nature of the case could not long be continued. Benton was one who held this belief. As soon as the result of the election was known, he exclaimed that the Democrats would go before the people with Martin Van Buren in the next election and triumphantly elect him. The unexpected death of Harrison and the era of "Tylerism" promised to alter matters. Tyler had a small following but it was never serious. Calhoun had some claims for the presidency and perhaps no man was better qualified for the high office than he. He had always been a Jefferson Democrat, although it is true that he had acted with the Whigs in his opposition to Jackson. Since 1842 he had been before the people as a probable candidate.

Calhoun again. From the time of the exit from the Capital of his implacable foe (Jackson) and the succession of the suave Van Buren, the South Carolinian had conducted his career in a manner to meet the approval of sincere Democrats. The ready recognition of his superior abilities accorded him on all sides and the bitterness of the nullification era having been allayed, persuaded him that the goal of his early ambitions might be looming in sight again. His State, always true to him, yearned to do him honor. He had been its pride and in him was the acme of its hope. Now the time seemed opportune for its fondest realization. Van Buren was humiliated and his leadership rejected. Calhoun's eagle eye caught the situation. He followed the plan of Clay, in announcing his intention to resign his seat in the Senate to take effect at the close of the 27th Congress. Immediately upon the acceptance of his resignation, his State, through its legislature, unanimously nominated him for the presidency.

Able, but not available. The Calhoun flag for a time was carried near the front of the column. But it was not long to remain there. He lacked the qualities of popular leadership and the skill of the manipulator. No well-informed man

would deny that he was far and away the intellectual superior of any man in his party. All the essentials that distinguish the statesman from the mere politician, this singularly brilliant man possessed in a marked degree. But his lot like that of Clay was cast in hard lines. Little did it serve him to be recognized as one of the most brilliant deductive debaters that had ever addressed the stately Senate or to be recognized as one who despised cant and sham, and fought with an eye single to the best interests of his people as he saw them. Such rank does not always commend itself to the small politician, since to him ability is not so important as availability.

Out of the race. Calhoun's first test of strength was in his causing the national convention to be deferred to the spring of 1844, against the wishes of the opposition to hold it in the autumn of 1843. This victory was only temporary, however, as it served to awaken the opposition and call into requisition the arts of the manipulator, the prince of whom was Van Buren, himself the leader of the opposition. The next test, and the one of importance, was in the manner of selecting delegates to the national convention. The Calhoun contingent insisted upon the district plan as the most democratic and fairest to all concerned. This was the opinion of the statesman rather than of the politician. To this plan the Van Buren men demurred and insisted upon the State plan. It was easier to manipulate twenty-six States than two hundred and forty-two districts. The politician's scheme was adopted and Calhoun withdrew his name from the contest.

Van Buren, Clay and the Texas question. On all sides it was agreed that the election contest would be between Clay and Van Buren. Singularly enough these political antagonists were personally quite cordial, one with the other. Van Buren visited Clay and enjoyed the hospitality of the home of the Kentuckian. Clay reminded the public that not much politics was discussed during the visit. This incident is thought to have played a very important part in the future campaign.

A new problem had arisen in the Texas matter. The annexation of that republic was being agitated and was soon to assume definite form. The Southern States generally favored the project; some of them, because it would continue the equilibrium in the Senate between the slave and the free States; others, because it had been lost in earlier negotiations to the country, which had been denounced as blind imbecility; and others, on commercial grounds. The picturesque Houston had gone into the Texas country and was followed by great numbers of citizens of the United States. They afterward complained to the Washington government of their treatment by the local authorities, and this served as a foundation for the further agitation of the various promoters of annexation.

Delicacy of the situation. The sudden appearance of this question embarrassed both Clay and Van Buren. Clay was a Southern slave-holder, but was in sympathy with the idea of gradual emancipation. He had also been the very head of the industrial policies upon which the Northern section of the country stood. Van Buren, on the other hand, had no special abhorrence to the Southern institution, but his constituency in the North might have. The public desired to know the views of the candidates upon the "Re-annexation question," as the Texas matter was diplomatically termed. Letters of inquiry came to Clay and Van Buren. Singularly, their answers quite agreed. Neither could see how the country could be annexed honorably without the consent of Mexico. Both saw in the event a cause of war between the two countries. The replies could be interpreted in no other way than adverse to the annexation project. Van Buren's letter was made public just five weeks before the Democratic convention. It was a bomb in the camp of his friends in the South. Many of the States had already instructed their delegates to support his nomination. The Texas letter confounded them. Some of the Southern leaders at once denounced the writer, others deplored the writing. The time was too short to amend mat