gave to the American system the national delegate convention, by which it will be remembered longest.

Of Abolition. While it must be admitted that the Abolition party was erratic in many ways, and left by itself would not have accomplished much, it must also be conceded that it aroused the national conscience upon the evils of the slavery system, and began that organization of opinion which ultimately ended in the emancipation of the slaves. It also became famous for its contention for the right of free speech and the right of petititon for the redress of grievances. It also opened the door of political activity to the women of the country. To the agitation of the old Abolitionist, much of the recognition of women in the forum is due. He insisted upon equal rights without regard to sex.

Other parties. To the old American party is due the country's awakening to the evils of indiscriminate immigration. To the agitation of the temperance issue by the Prohibition party is due in part the general awakening of the citizen to the dangers of the American saloon. While these methods do not meet with general approval their purposes are vindicated by a large element of the electorate. To the various third party movements which have emphasized the labor question is due the recognition of the rights of labor by all political parties.

Motives of leaders. Third party movements originate from various motives on the part of leaders. A representative Democracy is the most fertile field for leadership. It is the. normal training place for aspirants for place and power. To render effective the power of selection a political machine is built up, whose ponderous cogs mangle the political ambitions of many a citizen. Few on the outside of the machine are satisfied with its running. Friction on the inside not infrequently causes a break. General dissatisfaction of the outs induces the creation of a third party. Thus the ambition of leaders who from various reasons are shut out of place in the old parties leads to the organization of a new party.

Recognition of younger element. Among such movements will invariably be found a great many young men. The feet of the old politicians are so firmly planted that little attention is paid to the amateur. He must not only win his spurs, but he must do it frequently amid cries of derision and in the face of a storm of criticism. Now and then there is a striking exception to this general rule. This occurs when either by native ability or the combination of favorable circumstances the gates of preferment open to the younger member of the party; hence the adherence of so many young men to third party experiments.

Discredited leaders. Another source of such movements is found in discredited leaders in the old line parties. It is difficult to estimate what part of the leadership of the new party is made up from this class. Men of wide experience and practical ability who have been supplanted by other leaders seek new fields for the application of their talents. Their former standing gives them preferment in the new party. This is not only because of the experience, but also because of his weight as the representative of a defection in the party from which he emanated.

Reform element. Then there is a very considerable element in all these movements who are there from the motive of disinterestedness. Their purpose is the accomplishment of a needed reform. Party is little, if anything, to them and public weal everything. They believe in party as a means of inaugurating reforms, but will not jeopardize country for party. Their observations of the policies of old line parties convince them of the futility of any expectation of reform from them.

In this class will be found a vast number of the clergy of the country. Especially is this true if the issue has a moral phase.

In this class will also be found the scholar in politics whose mode of life is destined to elevate him to see things as they should be, rather than as they are. His methods partake of

the ideal rather than of the real. His keen discrimination reveals the defect in glaring outline and he leaps at the remedy. He subjects himself to criticism often because of his tendency to regulate conduct by a code of rules.

Rule of constitutional interpretation. All third parties invariably take the loose construction view of the Constitution. This is to be attributed to the fact that every party is seeking what the dominant parties have not given. Most frequently the leading parties defend their refusal upon the basis of constitutionality. This necessitates the third party's taking the loose construction view that such legislation is warranted by the Constitution.

Not altogether one idea. Every third party also aspires to become the first party in the country. Hence, while its platform makes one issue paramount, it invariably extends to all issues and makes its pronouncement upon all questions open to discussion in the campaign. The wisdom of this practise has been doubted by many third party adherents. It is pointed out that when the movement becomes a competitor it fails to win the support that it enjoys when it confines its activity to the enforcing of a recognition of the issue for which it stands. It is asserted that the cause suffers when confused with others of little significance. Upon the proposition that the party should be broad gauge rather than narrow gauge, third parties have divided into factions and their identity has been lost.

Their effect. As to the real substantial value of third party movements, there can be little doubt. They serve to stir the waters to prevent stagnation. They operate to arouse public sentiment upon questions of vital importance. To them the country owes the suggestions which later result in valuable reforms. As a balancing power they can compel recognition of questions which otherwise would never reach the stage of an issue. When that stage is once reached the function of the third party is fulfilled.

Method of operation. The method employed to enforce such recognition often compels the party to especially antagonize the party which stands nearest to it in sympathy. In other words, the strokes are most effective when aimed at the vulnerable places in the political armor. The caustic criticism which follows is like that which ensues in a family row. The stage is soon reached when the party which furnished most of the adherents of the third party is the special target for all the sarcasm of the third party leaders, and vice versa. Thus the Abolition party came to hate the Whig from which their adherents largely came. So likewise the Greenback party came into severe conflict with the Democratic party from which the major part of their adherents came. The same is noticed in the Prohibition party with reference to its attitude toward the Republican party.

Their final value. There is little to fear from party activity. The danger lies in party atrophy. The body politic is not in danger so long as its life currents are open. With the dominant parties neck and neck in the race, a third party has an important function to perform and so long will it be kept in commission. With the disintegration of either of the dominant parties, the third party must become either the second or the first in order to be of any significance.

CHAPTER XIII

SLAVERY AS A FACTOR IN POLITICS

Servitude a historical fact. The introduction of slavery into the American British colonies was a response to the then prevailing opinion that slavery was the natural order; that the distinction between the master and the slave was clear and must be preserved; that there must ever be present those who are worked and those for whom the work is performed. This relation had existed in all nations, either in the form of slavery or serfdom or both. When it was discovered that the African could be profitably used in the sugar plantations of the West Indies, slavery was heralded as the greatest blessing of the race, on the ground that the necessary condition of servitude would thus be relieved by supplying the need from Africa, labor which had received the curse of God. (The negro's color was evidence of the curse, so they reasoned.)

Activity of England. As early as 1585, Queen Elizabeth chartered a slave company for that purpose. In 1618, the year before slavery was introduced into Virginia, James I granted a second charter. In 1631 Charles I granted another charter and in 1662 Charles II granted still another, enabling traders to secure slaves from the African coast to sell in the various colonies. In 1672 the Royal African Company was chartered and given a monopoly of the business. In 1713

by the Assiento, the agreement between the Queen of England and the forces in opposition in the war of the Spanish Succession, the Queen obligated her government to supply the