result of armed intervention. In both cases they have been received with favor by the majority of the literate population affected. Both were ratified by a nonpartisan vote in an intensely partisan Senate. In neither case are they resented or regarded apprehensively by neighboring nations. They are two solid steppingstones in the path of Pan-Americanism.

These two new foreign pacts, however, must be differentiated, the one from the other, and both from the treaty with Colombia. In Nicaragua as well as in Haiti the true conception of the new relationship places our duties higher than our rights. For three million dollars we have secured the right in perpetuity to build another canal across Nicaraguan territory in the only other possible place where an interoceanic canal can be dug, and we have secured from Nicaragua on renewable leases of ninety-nine years the two best sites for naval bases dominating both the actual and the possible canals within a radius of 600 miles of their Pacific and Atlantic termini. Nothing but war can take these rights away from us now, and their chief value to us, as well as to the nations of Central America, is in this, that they are the best safeguards against a war of conquest. The integrity of Nicaragua as an independent State is conserved, as are the independence and integrity of the neighboring republics of Honduras, Salvador, and Costa Rica.

The treaty with Haiti gives us little except solid duty without much of anything in the way of compensating right or profit. We are simply going in there for ten years to help our black brother put his disorderly house in order and to make it our particular business to see that he prospers. The treaty in this case has made a protectorate of Haiti; its independence is not in jeopardy, it is simply in abeyance. We have undertaken to collect Haiti's revenues and with them to pay its debts and the expenses of its government, including the salaries of a financial adviser and the customs collectors appointed by the President of the United States. We have undertaken to maintain good order in the Island by means of a native constabulary officered for the present by citizens of the United

States. And all this trouble we take for the sake of those who live in Haiti and so that the United States can have the satisfaction of knowing that no European nation can now take advantage of disorder in the Black Republic to obtain a further foothold in the West Indies.

And how do the foreign nations most immediately concerned regard these stepping-stones in our foreign policy? For they are in another sense steppingstones, adding to our strategic position around the Caribbean. Along the northern side of this central sea, like a great breakwater, lies the Island of Cuba, liberated, cleaned up, and set on its feet by this Government. Extending eastward and part of the same geological formation is the Island of Santo Domingo, made up of two republics, for both of which we are now by mutual agreement guarantors and trustees. On beyond, across the Mona Passage, our own territory of Porto Rico, seventeen times more prosperous now than under Spain, completes the northern bulwark. In the extreme west we now have our new Nicaraguan protection for the canal; south and in the extreme east we still need the goodwill of two other nations: we need the good-will of Colombia, which we may gain by a recognition of that country's just claims, and we may buy from Denmark her West Indian islands lying in a clump thirty miles east of Porto Rico.

Curiously enough, the foreign nations most concerned do not regard this firmer policy of ours in the West Indies askance. We have the good-will of Europe in these firm steps. They are of very little consequence to Europe now, after all, and all that we shall find of unfavorable opinion is doubt as to whether we are competent to deal with our new responsibilities. In that doubt, Cuba counts for us: Mexico counts against us.

exhibition consists of samples of hardware in use in various parts of the world where Americans might sell but do not. The Government's commercial attachés collected the samples and the data concerning prices, transportation, freights, etc., which goes with them. They also made detailed reports which are being published by the Department of Commerce. After four months in New York the exhibition will be sent on a tour to the other hardware centres of the country. The exhibition and the accompanying data will serve many hardware manufacturers whose output is not large enough to bear the cost of investigating markets, and it will stir the imaginations of many to the possibilities of foreign trade.

It is indeed an enterprising and a useful campaign which the Department of Commerce has inaugurated-for the hardware exhibit is only a beginning. Samples from other trades are being collected and other exhibitions are to follow.

Mr. Perry J. Stevenson, in charge of the hardware exhibit, said on the day of the opening:

"The Department of Commerce is thoroughly permeated with the idea that it is to be of service to the American manufacturer. And this is only one of the first steps in the development of a system of Government coöperation with industry, in which Germany and England have shown the way."

E

THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST

PELLAGRA

VIDENTLY American medical science has scored another victory in the recent pellagra investigations of the United States Public Health Service. Dr. Goldberger's work is described in detail elsewhere in this magazine. Dr. Heiser's success in the treatment of leprosy was also recently described. American work in Cuba, Panama, and the Philippine Islands has given our medical workers the foremost rank as sanitarians, and, indeed, the influence of American medicine now extends throughout the world. China, under the tutelage of Americans, is about to begin the rather

discouraging task of nation-wide sanitation. American dental surgery is now repairing the faces of thousands of European soldiers who, but for its ministrations, would go through life hideously deformed. The splint that binds the shattered limbs of thousands of others is the invention of Dr. Joseph A. Blake, who is himself the head of one of the largest war hospitals in France. The foremost ambulance in France is that at Compiègne, presided over by Dr. Alexis Carrel and jointly supported by the French Government and the Rockefeller Institute of New York City.

However, Americans do not have to go abroad to discover medical tasks. They can find plenty right at home. One of the severest, as Dr. Goldberger's work shows, is this new scourge which is sweeping through the Southern states. The Health Service has demonstrated experimentally that a varied and balanced diet can cure and prevent pellagra, and that the absence of such a diet probably caused it. Pellagra, contrary to current impressions, is caused, not by what we eat, but by what we do not eat. At first this information rather discourages one. The chief trouble is evidently economic. The poor people of the South have this disease because they cannot afford more expensive foods. A recent paper published by Dr. Charles T. Nesbitt, health officer of Wilmington, N. C., makes this relation entirely clear. For several years Hanover County, N. C., has been engaging in a general cleaning up process. It has been building sewers, establishing water supplies, inspecting food, and in other ways promoting the general health. These public works usually accomplish wonders in freeing a community from infectious diseases-typhoid, enterocolitis, and the like. They have had this result under Dr. Nesbitt's jurisdiction. In five years he has reduced the death rate in communicable diseases from 54.16 per 100,000 to 30.20. The significant thing is that all this improved sanitation has apparently had no influence upon pellagra. This disease has increased in just about the same ratio that the death rate from communicable diseases has decreased. In

1911, the rate of pellagra deaths in this district was 38.53 and, in 1915, it was 64.6.

These figures clearly show that bad water, bad milk, infected food, and bad sewage systems have practically nothing to do with this disease. They powerfully reinforce Dr. Goldberger's idea that an unbalanced nutrition produces it.

Mississippi, which suffers greatly from pellagra, is taking steps to protect its people. The proposed programme in dicates the line of defense that will have to be followed everywhere. As in the fight against hookworm, that twin evil of the South, popular education must play the leading part. The State Board of Health proposes that the legislature establish a board of pellagra physicians who shall canvass particular districts house to house, discuss family dietaries with housewives, and advise on the foods that will prevent the disease. Large quantities of printed matter are to be provided for distribution in the rural sections. The State Department of Education is called upon to make the cure and prevention of pellagra part of the every-day instruction in the public schools. The Department of Agriculture is to teach the wisdom of keeping cows, raising chickens, and growing beans and peas-all food materials that contain the substance which destroys pellagra. Finally the state is called upon to establish a series of pellagrasariums or camps for the treatment of pellagrins, precisely as many states now have sanitariums for tuberculosis patients.

The South clearly faces a difficult problem. The fact that we now know how to treat the disease, however, has greatly cleared the atmosphere.

tions and by the competition of the German neighbors. But they have made some progress, and recent travelers see signs that they are on the verge of a grea: expansion of their commercial efforts And, as this expansion comes, a mighty new purchasing power will be added to the field of the manufacturing nations.

Under ante-bellum conditions, Germany was almost certain to get the benefits of this awakening. It was the nearest neighbor, a great manufacturer, and it had carried on a campaign of "peaceful pene tration" by which a large share of Russia s internal commerce was in the hands of Germans living in Russia. The war seems likely to change this condition.

The German influence in Russia cannot be again soon what it was before the war. Not only the hostility of the conflict will tend to prevent this for a while, but the conviction in Russian minds that industrial and commercial dependence on a none-too-friendly neighbor is unwise.

There seems, then, a good opportunity in Russia to follow our war orders with a more permanent trade without having to gain ground against so well intrenched a competitor as Germany was before the war.

Commercial relations between the United States and Russia based on treaties was interrupted five years ago as our protest against the Russian treatment of the Jews. But the breach was more a formal than a practical one. Nor is there any reason why it should continue. We can properly protest against inhumanity anywhere in the world-to Russia in behalf of the Jews, to Turkey in behalf of the Armenians, to Germany in behalf of the Belgians, and to Belgium in behalf of the Negroes of the Congo. Some of these protests we made and some we did not But whether we protested or not there is no reason to end our commercial treaties with Russia, Germany, Belgium, Turkey. or other countries that have been guilty of violent race prejudices or other mhumanity toward a weaker people.

Perhaps the new American-Russian Chamber of Commerce may help renew the treaty with Russia and be of much other use besides. This Chamber wi collect and disseminate Russian business

news to its members, who are American business men of wide influence. It was organized largely at the suggestion of Russian business men who wish to have more dealings with a country that is free to keep its business activities entirely apart from its political ambitions. Russia would like to have American capital invested in factories in Russia. Altogether, a fair prospect arises that we may find there another outlet for our expanding foreign trade.

RENEWING OUR COMMERCIAL

ENTERPRISE

HE dislocation of the old channels in trade, manufacturing, commerce, and finance has furnished anew the necessity for invention and for the pioneering spirit in almost every occupation in the United States.

A fair example is the plight of the manufacturers and users of commercial fertilizer, which is composed of potash and phosphate and nitrogen. Before the war the fertilizer manufacturers got their potash supply from the German potash syndicate. The nitrogen came in large measure from the Chilean nitrate beds.

The war, of course, interrupted the potash shipments from Germany. The rise in freight rates and the demand for nitrates for powder manufacture has lessened the supply of them for fertilizer. Such is the condition. The human reaction on this condition is more interesting. One day the papers announce that a group of Americans, chemical engineers, fertilizer manufacturers, mining experts, and bankers have formed a company to make potash from the mineral alunite as cheaply as the Germans can get it from. their potash deposits. And while this new company is liberating potash from alunite it also gets aluminum. Another day the papers tell of the operation of an electrical plant for obtaining nitrogen from the air to take the place of the nitrates. This is not a new process, but the war widened its immediate usefulness here.

We have found that we can make manganese as cheaply as any one and that in the manufacture of high-speed steel we

can achieve more than we ever thought it was possible for us to achieve.

The significance of the whole situation is that we do not need to give to foreign manufacturers as much as we have given, and that the pressure of necessity and profits will always develop new abilities here at home which we have not used because there have been so many old ways. of making a living or getting rich fairly easily as compared to other countries.

The dye business furnishes another example of the same thing. We accepted the German monopoly in dyestuffs because Germany felt the necessity of having the dye industry on a tremendous scale not only for foreign trade but for war, for the basis of dyes and high explosives is the same. But now it appears that we can profitably start dye-works with the assurance that they will survive German competition after the war.

As a nation we have become adept at the organization of business and manufacture, adept also in many selling methods; but we have long neglected the chemistry that underlies manufacture.

In a most interesting book, "The Chemistry of Commerce," written some years ago, Prof. Robert Kennedy Duncan describes another American industry in this way:

"The great financial success of American glass manufactures during the past few years is in despite of ignorance, and is due to the hungry demands of a growing and prosperous population, to expert office management, to combinations of capital, to the extraordinary advantages in cheap fuel and raw material, and to the protection of a prohibitory tariff. Its actual manufacture is a story of confusion and waste."

Not only in glass but in most other commodities we have become a great manufacturing nation on this unscientific basis, but to be a successful competitor in the world's markets, where, without any advantages, we will have to meet other countries, we must add a widespread use of chemistry to our other commercial accomplishments. There are many signs that the war has awakened us to its possibilities and our own.

Τ'

AS OTHERS SEE US

HE United States is disposed to believe that it stands for humanity, freedom, and altruism more than do the countries of the old world. Most of our public speakers take these qualities of the American nation for granted. The assumption is based upon several things -the vast sums we have spent in relief overseas, the return of the Boxer indemnity, the liberation of Cuba, etc.

There is cause for satisfaction in these things. But we have several other actions on our records which to the skepticalminded foreigner appear very differently. When we acquired Porto Rico and the Philippines we did improve the government and business of the islands. And the people who did this work were largely disinterested. But the people who arranged a tariff wall around the islands so that we might increase our trade there to the exclusion of other nations and at increased prices to the Filipino were not disinterested. That is the tribute which the Islands pay for our conquest, and we exacted it from Cuba which we liberated as well as from Porto Rico and the Philippines which we held. When the world from the outside looks upon us it does not perhaps altogether understand the liberation of Cuba, but it understands the military conquest of trading privileges with defenseless peoples. It is the game which brought Russia and Japan in conflict in Manchuria; which brought France and Germany to the verge of war in Morocco. It is the same game that we condemn as it is now being played by Japan in China.

We are not in a good position to criticise other nations for sending their battleships and bayonets after more or less exclusive rights to exploit backward peoples commercially if we maintain such rights ourselves after our fleet and army have given us the power to do so, even though that was not the motive for which we went to war with Spain.

But whether we take a little profit with our altruism, as most nations do, or, in complete altruism, give Manila the advantages of a free port, in neither case is there any warrant or reason for turning over to

the Filipino people the carrying out of the pledge we gave Spain when we took over t Islands—namely, a pledge to mainta order, to protect property, and to guarantee religious liberty.

It is true that it has for many years beer a tenet of Mr. Bryan and his followers to free the Filipinos and try to escape our own responsibilities.

Perhaps the Senate's action on the Philip pine matter was another case of nerves such as attacked Congress later on another one of Mr. Bryan's policies-the abandonment of American rights at sea when they see... to involve national responsibilities.

EDUCATING THE IMMIGRANTS

T

HE Bureau of Naturalization [f the United States Department of Labor] has secured the coöperation of the public schools in forty-four states of the Union-approximately 6or cities and towns-and has sent the names of 130,000 candidates for citizenship and of their wives to the public schools since the first of last October. It has also sent personal letters to each of these to induce them to enter the public schools, and has developed a system by which a personal invitation to do so will be given to each candidate. It has prepared an Outline Course in Citizenship, thousands of copies of which have been distributed to the public school teachers in the night classes for adult foreigners and in the day high schools and upper-graded schools."

"The application of the Course to the public day schools is urged in order to afford a training for the candidate for citizenship of native as well as of foreig birth. The Secretary of the Navy, at his request, has been furnished with hundreds of copies of this Course for use in citizenship training in the Navy.

"The Bureau has also prepared a Syllabus of the Naturalization Law, which it is sending out with copies of preliminary naturalization forms to the public schod teachers for the instruction and aid d those foreigners who may desire to declare their intention or petition for naturalization. This use of the preliminary forms is intended to remove the unsuspecting