Interesting Account of the SCHOOL of NEGROES at Philadelphia. [From New Travels in the United States of America, by M. Briffot de Warville.' ] ΤΗ done. : I faw in this school, a mulatto, one-eighth negro; it is impoffible to diftinguish him from a white boy. His eyes discovered an extraordinary vivacity; and this is a general characteristic of people of that origin. The black girls, befide reading, writing, and the principles of religion, are taught fpinning, needlework, &c.; and their miftreffes affure me, that they difcover much ingenuity. They have the appearance of decency, attention, and fubmiffion. It is a nursery of good fervants and virtuous housekeepers. How criminal are the planters of the islands, who form but to debauchery and ignominy, creatures fo capable of being fashioned to virtue! It is to Benezet that humanity owes this useful establishment-to that Benezet whom Chaftellux has not blushed to ridicule, for the fake of gaining the infamous applaufes of the paralites of defpotiím. The life of this extraordinary man merits to be known to fuch men as dare to think, who efteem more the benefactors of their fellow-crea'tures, than their oppreffors, fo bafely idolized during their life. Anthony Benezet was born at St. Quintin, in Picardy, in 1712. Fanaticifm, under the protection of a bigot king, directed by an infamous confeffor, and an infamous woman, fpread at that time its ravages in France. The parents of Benezet were warm Calvinists; they fled to England, and he embraced the doctrines of the Quakers. He went to America, in 1731, and established himself at Philadelphia in commerce, the bufinefs to which he had been educated. But the rigidity of his principles and his tafte not agreeing with the fpirit of commerce, he quitted that bufinefs in 1736, and accepted a place in the academy of that fociety. From that time all his moments were confecrated to public inftruction, the relief of the poor, and the defence of the unhappy negroes. Benezet poffeffed a univerfal philanthropy, which was not common at that time; he regarded, as his brothers, all men, of all countries, and of all colours; he compofed many works, in which he collected all the authorities from fcripture, and from other writings, to difcourage and condemn the flave trade and flavery. His works had much influence in determining the Quakers to emancipate their flaves. It was not enough to fet at liberty the unhappy blacks; it was neceffary to inftruct them-to find them schoolmasters. And where fhould he find men willing to devote themselves to à task which prejudice had rendered painful and difgufting? No obftacle could arreft the zeal of Benezet; he fet the firit example himfelf: he confecrated his little fortune to the founda tion of this fchool; his brethren He prefented to the general affembly, a treatife intitled Jofeph fold by his brethren.' He difcovers the pureft principles, and completely overturns the hackneyed arguments of the traders, refpecting the pretended wars of the African princes. lent fome affiftance; and by the help of the donations of the fociety of London, the school for blacks at Philadelphia enjoys a revenue of zool. fterling. He confecrated his fortune and his talents to their inftruction; and in 1784, death removed him from this holy occupation, to receive his reward. The tears of the blacks, which watered his tomb, the fighs of his fraternity, and of every friend of humanity which attended his departing fpirit, must be a prize more confoling than the laurels of a conqueror. Benezet carried always in his pocket a copy of his works on the flavery of the blacks, which he gave and recommended to every one he met, who had not feen them. It is a method generally followed by the fociety of friends. They extend the works of utility; and it is the true way of gaining profelytes. This philanthropic quaker was preceded in the fame career, by many others, whom I ought to mention. The celebrated George Fox, founder of this fect, went from England to Barbadoes in the year 1671, not to preach against flavery, but to inftruct the blacks in the knowledge of God, and to engage mafters to treat them with mildness. The minds of men were not yet ripe for this reform; neither were they when William Burling, of Longifland, in 1718, published a treatile against flavery. He was a refpectable quaker: he preached, but in vain; the hour was not yet come. Ought not this circumstance to encourage the friends of the blacks in France? Sixty years of combat were neceffary to conquer the prejudice of avarice in America. One year is fcarcely paffed fince the foundation of the fociety at Paris; and fome apoftates already appear, because fuccefs has not crowned their firft endea vours. Burling was followed by judge Sewal, a prefbyterian of Maffachusetts. It is often faid against the writings of the friends of the blacks, that they have not been witneffes of the fufferings which they describe. This reproach cannot be made against Benjamin Lay, an Englishman, who, brought up in the African trade, afterward a planter at Barbadoes, abandoned his plantation, on account of the horror infpired by the frightful terrors of flavery endured by the negroes. He retired to Philadelphia, became a quaker, and ceafed not the remainder of his life to preach and write for the abolition of flavery. His principal treatife on this fubject appeared in 1737. He was thought to have too much zeal, and to have exaggerated in his defcriptions. But thefe defects were expiated by a life without a ftain, by an indefatigable zeal for humanity, and by profound meditations. Lay was fimple in his drefs, and animated in his fpeech; he was all on fire when he spoke on flavery. He died in 1760, in the 80th year of his age. One of the men moft diftinguished in this career of humanity, was a quaker named John Woolman. He was born in 1720. Early formed to meditation, he was judged by the friends worthy of being a minister at the age of twenty-two. He travelled much to extend the doctrines of the fect; but was always on foot, and without money or provifions, becaufe he would imitate the apofiles, and be in a fituation to be more ufeful to the poor people and to the blacks. He abhorred flavery so much, that he would not tafte any food that was produced by the labour of flaves. The laft difcourfe that he pronounced, was on this fubject. In 1772, he undertook a voyage to England, to concert meafures with the friends there, K k 2 on An Account of the METHODS ufed to abolish SLAVERY in America. [From the SAM E.] Benezet had in vain employed all their efforts to effect the abolition of this traffic under the English government. The miflaken intereit of the mother country caufed all the petitions to be rejected in the year 1772; yet the minds of men were prepared in fome of the colonies; and fcarcely was independence declared, when a general cry arofe againit this commerce. It appeared abfurd for men defending their own liberty, to deny liberty to others. A pamphlet was printed, in which the principles on which flavery is founded, were held up in contraft with those which laid the foundation of the new constitution. WOOLMAN and This palpable method of ftating the fubject, was attended with a happy fuccefs; and the congrefs, in 1774, declared the flavery of the blacks to be incompatible with the bafis of republican governments. Different legiflatures haftened to confecrate this principle of congrefs. Three diftinct epochs mark the conduct of the Americans in this bufinefs--the prohibition of the importation of flaves - their manumiffionand the provision made for their inftruction. All the different ftates are not equally advanced in these three objects. In the northern and middle ftates, they have profcribed for ever the importation of flaves; in others, this prohibition is limited to a certain time. In South Carolina, where it was limited to three years, it has lately been extended to three years more. Georgia is the only ftate that continues to receive tranfported flaves. Yet, when general Oglethorpe laid the foundation of this colony, he ordained, that neither rum nor flaves should ever be imported into it. This law, in both its articles, was very foon violated. We must acknowledge, however, that the Americans, more than any other people, are convinced that all men are born free and equal: we must acknowledge, that they direct themfelves generally by this principle of equality; that the quakers, who have begun, who have propagated, and who ftill propagate this revolution of fentiment, have been guided by a principle of religion, and that they have facrificed to it their perfonal interest. Unhappily their opinion on this fubject has not yet become univerfal; intereft ftill combats it with fome fuccefs in the fouthern ftates. A numerous party ftill argue the impoffibility of cultivating their foil without the hands of flaves, and the impoffibility of augmenting their number without recruiting them in Africa. It is to the influence of this party, in the late general convention, that is to be attributed the only article which tarnishes that glorious monument of human reafon, the new federal system of the United States. It was this party that propofed to bind the hands of the new congress, and to put it out of their power for twenty years to prohibit the importation of flaves. It was faid to this auguft affembly, Sign this article, or we will withdraw from the union. To avoid the evils, which, without meliorating the fate of the blacks, would attend a political fchifm, the convention was forced to wander from the grand principle of univerfal liberty, and the pre 1 preceding declaration of congrefs. They thought it their duty to imitate Solon, to make, not the beft law poffible, but the beft that circumftances would bear. But, though this article has furprised the friends of liberty in Europe, where the fecret caufes of it were not known; though it has grieved the fociety in England, who are ready to accufe the new legiflators of a cowardly defection from their own principles; yet we may regard the general and irrevocable profcription of the flave trade in the United States, as very near at hand. This conclufion results from the nature of things, and even from the article itself of the new conflitution now cited. Indeed, nine ftates have already done it; the blacks, which there abound, are confidered as free. There are then nine afylums for those to escape to from Georgia; not to speak of the neighbourhood of the Floridas, where the flaves from Georgia take refuge, in hopes to find better treatment from the Spaniards; and not to speak of those vaft forefts and inacceffible mountains which make part of the Southern States, and where the perfecuted negro may eafily find a retreat from slavery. The commu nications with the back country are fo eafy, that it is impoffible to stop the fugitives; and the expence of reclaiming is difproportioned to their value. And though the free states do not in appearance oppose these reclamations, yet the people. there hold flavery in fuch horror, that the master who runs after his human property, meets little refpect, and finds little affiftance. Thus the poffibility of flight creates a new difcouragement to the importation, as it muft leffen the value of the flave, induce to a milder treatment, and finally tend, with the concurrence of other circumflances, to convince the Georgian planter, that it is more simple, more reasonable, and lefs expenfive, to cultivate by the hands of freemen. We are right then in saying, that the nature of things in America is against the importation of flaves. Befides, the congrefs will be authorised in twenty years to pronounce definitively on this article. By that time, the fentiments of humanity, and the calculations of reafon, will prevail; they will no longer be forced to facrifice equity to convenience, or have any thing to fear from oppofition or fchifm. An Account of the LAWS of the different AMERICAN STATES for the MANUMISSION of SLAVES. SLA [From the SAME. ] LAVERY, my friend, has never polluted every part of the United States. There was never any law in New Hampshire, or Maffachusetts, which authorised it. When, therefore, those states profcribed it, they only declared the law as it exifted before. There was very little of it in Connecticut; the puritanic aufterity which predominated in that colony, could fcarcely reconcile itself with flavery. Agriculture was better performed there by the hands of freemen; and every thing concurred to engage the people to give liberty to the flaves:fo that almost every one has freed them; and the children of fuch as are not yet free, are to have their liberty at twenty-five years of age. The cafe of the blacks in NewYork is nearly the fame; yet the flaves there are more numerous. It is because the bafis of the population there is Dutch; that is to fay, people lefs difpofed than any other to part with their property. But liberty is affured there to all the children of the flaves, at a certain age. The state of Rhode-Island formerly made a great business of the flave trade. It is now totally and for ever prohibited. In In New-Jersey the bulk of the popularion is Dutch. You find there, traces of that fame Dutch fpirit which I have described. Yet the western parts of the state are difpofed to free their negroes; but the eastern part are opposed to it. It is probable that their obftinacy will be overcome; at least it is the opinion of the refpectable Mr. Livingfton, celebrated for the part he has acted in the late revolution: he has declared this opinion in a letter writ ten to the fociety at Philadelphia. He has himself freed all his flaves, which are very numerous. He is one of the most ardent apoftles of humanity; and, knowing the character of his countrymen, he reafons, temporifes with their intereft, and doubts not of being able to vanquish their prejudices. The quakers have been more fortunate in Pennfylvania. In the year 1758, they voted, in their general meeting, to excommunicate every member of the fociety who fhould perfift in keeping flaves. In 1780, at their requeft, feconded by a great number of perfons from other fects, the general affembly abolished flavery for ever, forced the owners of flaves to cause them to be enregistered, declared their children free at the age of twenty-eight years, placed them, while under that age, on a footing of hired fervants, affured to them the benefit of trial by jury, &c. But this act did not provide againft all the abuses that avarice could afterward invent. It was eluded in many points. A foreign commerce of flaves was carried on by fpeculators; and fome barbarous mafters fold their blacks, to be carried into foreign countries; others fent the negro children into neighbouring ftates, that they might there be fold, and deprived of the benefit of the law of Pennfylvania, when they fhould come of age; others fent their black pregnant women into another flate, that the offspring might be flaves; and others ftole free negroes, and carried them to the islands for fale. The fo ciety, fhocked at thefe abuses, applied again to the affembly, who paffed a new act in March laft, effectually to prevent them. It ordained, that no black could be fent into a neighbouring state without his confent; confifcated all veffels and cargoes employed in the flave trade; condemned to the public works the ftealers of negroes, &c. Doubtless we cannot bestow too much praife on the indefagitable zeal of the fociety in Pennfylvania, which folicited thefe laws, nor on the spirit of equity and humanity displayed by the legislature in paffing them; but fome regret muft mingle itself with our applaufe. Why did not this refpectable body go farther? Why did it not extend at leaft the hopes of freedom to those who were flaves at the time of the paffing the first act? They are a property, it is faid; and all property is facred. But what is a property founded on robbery and plunder? What is a property which violates laws human and divine? But let this property merit fome regard. Why not limit it to a certain number of years, in order to give at least the cheap confolation of hope? Why not grant to the flave, the right of purchafing his freedom? What! the child of the negro flave shall one day enjoy his liberty; and the unhappy father, though ready to leap with joy on beholding the fortune of his fon, must roll back his eyes with aggravated anguish on his own irrevocable bondage! The fon has never felt, like him, the torture of being torn from his country, from his family, from all that is dear to man; the fon has not experienced that feverity of treatment fo common in this country before this revolution of fentiment; yet the fon is favoured, and the father configned to defpair. But this injuftice cannot long fully the law of a country where reafon and humanity prevail. We may hope that a capitulation will be made with avarice; by which these flaves fhall be drawn from its hands. |