it. I could tell you instances where exactly that thing happened. By the combination of great industries, manufactured products are not only being standardized, but they are too often being kept at a single point of development and efficiency. The increase of the power to produce in proportion to the cost of production is not studied in America as it used to be studied, because if you don't have to improve your processes in order to excel a competitor, if you are human you aren't going to improve your processes; and if you can prevent the competitor from coming into the field, then you can sit at your leisure, and, behind this wall of protection which prevents the brains of any foreigner competing with you, you can rest at your ease for a whole generation. Can any one who reflects on merely this attitude of the trusts toward invention fail to understand how substantial, how actual, how great will be the effect of the release of the genius of our people to originate, improve, and perfect the instruments and circumstances of our lives? Who can say what patents now lying, unrealized, in secret drawers and pigeonholes, will come to light, or what new inventions will astonish and bless us, when freedom is restored? Are you not eager for the time when the genius and initiative of all the people shall be called into the service of business? when newcomers with new ideas, new entries with new enthusiasms, independent men, shall be welcomed? when your sons shall be able to look forward to becoming, not employees, but heads of some small, it may be, but hopeful, business, where their best energies shall be inspired by the knowledge that they are their own masters, with the paths of the world open before them? Have you no desire to see the markets opened to all? to see credit available in due proportion to every man of character and serious purpose who can use it safely and to advantage? to see business disentangled from its unholy alliance with politics? to see raw material released from the control of monopolists, and transportation facilities equalized for all? and every avenue of commercial and industrial activity levelled for the feet of all who would tread it? Surely, you must feel the inspiration of such a new dawn of liberty! There is the great policy of conservation, for example; and I do not conceive of conservation in any narrow sense. There are forests to conserve, there are great water powers to conserve, there are mines whose wealth should be deemed exhaustible, not inexhaustible, and whose resources should be safeguarded and preserved for future genera tions. But there is much more. There are the lives and energies of the people to be physically safeguarded. You know what has been the embarrassment about conservation. The Federal Government has not dared relax its hold, because, not bona fide settlers, not men bent upon the legitimate development of great states, but men bent upon getting into their own exclusive control great mineral, forest, and water resources, have stood at the ear of the Government and attempted to dictate its policy. And the Government of the United States has not dared relax its somewhat rigid policy because of the fear that these forces would be stronger than the forces of individual communities and of the public interest. What we are now in dread of is that this situation will be made permanent. Why is it that Alaska has lagged in her development? Why is it that there are great mountains of coal piled up in the shipping places on the coast of Alaska which the Government at Washington will not permit to be sold? It is because the Government is not sure that it has followed all the intricate threads of intrigue by which small bodies of men have tried to get exclusive control of the coal fields of Alaska. The Government stands itself suspicious of the forces by which it is surrounded. Simply to say, "We are not going to do anything about the forests,' when the country needs to use the forests, is not a practicable programme at all. To say that the people of the great State of Washington can't buy coal out of the Alaskan coal fields doesn't settle the question. You have got to have that coal sooner or later. And if you are so afraid of the Guggenheims and all the rest of them that you can't make up your mind what your policies are going to be about those coal fields, how long are we going to wait for the Government to throw off its fear? There can't be a working programme until there is a free Government. The day when the Government is free to set about a policy of positive conservation, as distinguished from mere negative reservation, will be an emancipation day of no small importance for the development of the country. But the question of conservation is a very much bigger question than the conservation of our natural resources; because in summing up our natural resources there is one great natural resource which underlies them all, and seems to underlie them so deeply that we sometimes overlook it. I mean the people themselves. What would our forests be worth without vigorous and intelligent men to make use of them? Why should we conserve our natural resources, unless we can by the magic of industry transmute them into the wealth of the world? What transmutes them into that wealth, if not the skill and the touch of the men who go daily to their toil and who constitute the great body of the American people? What I am interested in is having the Government of the United States more concerned about human rights than about property rights. Property is an instrument of humanity; humanity isn't an instrument of property. And yet when you see some men riding their great industries as if they were driving a car of juggernaut, not looking to see what multitudes prostrate themselves before the car and lose their lives in the crushing effect of their industry, you wonder how long men are going to be permitted to think more of their machinery than they think of their men. Did you never think if it?- men are cheap, and machinery is dear; many a superintendent is dismissed for overdriving a delicate machine, who wouldn't be dismissed for overdriving an overtaxed man. You can discard your man and replace him; there are others ready to come into his place; but you can't without great cost discard your machine and put a new one in its place. You are less apt, therefore, to look upon your men as the essential vital foundation part of your whole business. It is time that property, as compared with humanity, should take second place, not first place. We must see to it that there is no overcrowding, that there is no bad sanitation, that there is no unnecessary spread of avoidable diseases, that the purity of food is safeguarded, that there is every precaution against accident, that women are not driven to impossible tasks, nor children permitted to spend their energy before it is fit to be spent. The hope and elasticity of the race must be preserved; men must be preserved according to their individual needs, and not according to the programmes of industry merely. What is the use of having industry, if we perish in producing it? If we die in trying to feed ourselves, why should we eat? If we die trying to get a foothold in the crowd, why not let the crowd trample us sooner and be done with it? I tell you that there is beginning to beat in this Nation a great pulse of irresistible sympathy which is going to transform the processes of government amongst us. The strength of America is proportioned only to the health, the energy, the hope, the elasticity, the buoyancy of the American people. Is not that the greatest thought that you can have of freedom,-the thought of it as a gift that shall release men and women from all that pulls them back from being their best and from doing their best, that shall liberate their energy to its fullest limit, free their aspirations till no bounds confine them, and fill their spirits with the jubilance of realizable hope? WHAT TO DO WITH A BOY HOW TO TURN HIS ENERGY, HIS LOYALTY, HIS GANG INTO HELPFUL PATHS T BY LYMAN BEECHER STOWE HE best thing to do with a boy is to put him in a "gang"- and watch the gang. If he is a normal boy he is likely to be in a gang whether you put him in or not, only the gang he chooses is not apt to be beneficial, without some kind of supervision. With supervision, even the worst gangs can become helpful agencies. The notorious Graveyard Gang, which carried on its machinations in the neighborhood of the old graveyard then on East Eleventh Street, New York, was in its heyday of pernicious activity when Mr. William R. George, known as the Founder of the Junior Republics, appeared on the scene to change the tenor of its ways. Mr. George, then hardly more than a boy himself, was reconnoitering with a view to starting a boys' club in this terrorized neighborhood, when he was set upon by the Graveyard Gang. Single-handed, he stood them off until the police came to his rescue. His fearless and effective resistance became a tradition of the neighborhood and smoothed the way for the new club which was soon started in the loft of an old ramshackle building. Boxing became one of the leading attractions of the club and Mr. George the leading boxer. The inner circle of the Graveyard Gang was known as the Sons of Arrest. Only those who had been arrested were eligible for the distinction of membership in this inner circle, and he who had to his credit the greatest number of arrests was leader of the Sons of Arrest and of the Gang. This Gang preyed upon the peaceful citizens of the neighborhood and warred constantly with the police, whom they looked upon as their natural enemies. Mr. George conceived the audacious scheme of turning the Graveyard Gang into a law-and-order gang. He didn't say very much about it, however, but just kept on boxing and making friends. Gradually his reputation as a boxer spread throughout the neighborhood. His admirers boasted that no one could beat him. Some scoffers at this new hero, with his subverting law-and-order notions, plotted to accomplish his downfall by seeking out some fellow who could whip him and then arranging a match between them. Finally they found just the man a great, husky brute who had never been beaten and who had aspirations for the prize ring. Mr. George accepted the challenge with full knowledge of the conspiracy which lay back of it. It was arranged that the fight take place in a back room of the club, behind closed doors, and without witnesses. At the appointed time the combatants put on the gloves, went into the room, and locked the door while the excited followers of each gathered around the keyhole. It had been arranged that they should fight until one or the other asked for quarter. For many minutes the eager auditors were fascinated by the sounds of violent scuffling and quick, heavy breathing, punctuated by the exhilarating thuds of well-landed blows. After what seemed a very long time to the expectant group around the keyhole, the door opened and the contestants came slowly out panting, disheveled, and perspiring. In response to the simultaneous shout, "Who won?" Mr. George replied, "It was a draw." His opponent said nothing. Immediately came the outburst, "Then, youse git back in there an' fight it out." To this Mr. George agreed, but his opponent flung out, "Any of youse as wants ter ken have me gloves. I've had mine an' I ain't a-goin' back!" Mr. George became and remained undisputed champion of the neighborhood. He was now the recognized leader of the new gang. His word was law. He appointed his staff and organized his gang in a more or less informal military manner. He and his staff of young toughs offered their services to the police sergeant of the precinct to help suppress lawlessness. The sergeant saw the point and at once accepted the offer. Before their new leader came among them with his strange ideas, these youths had looked upon the police and others in authority as natural enemies to be resisted and fought at every step. Their loyalty was intense and primal. They were loyal to their gang and their leader. Theirs was like the tribal loyalty of men in primitive society. Their previous leaders had always led them against the traditional enemy - the police and others in authority. They had followed loyally. This new kind of leader saw fit to enter into an alliance with the traditional enemy and declare war upon the law breakers. As before, they followed loyally. Their loyalty was personal - their morality, reflected and vicarious. Had Mr. George suddenly faced about and led them into all kinds of wickedness they would have followed him in the same way just as loyally. As great a force for good as personal loyalty may be, it is neither a high nor a dependable virtue. It is therefore wise to watch the gang and its leadership. The famous Junior Republic at Freeville, N. Y., was the outgrowth of a summer fresh air camp. For the better enforcement of the rules of the camp, Mr. George established a Court of Justice. Here he acted as Judge, Jury, and Grand Executioner. The sentences were promptly executed by the Judge, armed with a stout birch rod, in his capacity as Grand Executioner. This daily performance largely attended and much enjoyed by all except the culprits and Mr. George. Another discouraging aspect of the proceedings from Mr. George's point of view was that the number of culprits did not diminish. Every morning brought forth its fresh quota. Crime did not decrease. was One morning, just before he was to use the birch rod on the two star offenders of the day, Mr. George looked over the company and saw such unmistakable glances of eager expectancy that he was seized with a humiliating consciousness of the farcical character of the whole affair. These boys and girls came to be entertained. It was their daily circus. Suddenly the idea flashed into his mind of turning the two remaining culprits over to their companions for trial. "Boys and girls," said he, with great earnestness, “I have been acting in all these cases as Judge, Jury, and Grand Executioner. I don't know what you have thought about the matter; I don't know that I have really cared, but this morning I do care. This is going to be your affair. I am going to let Lanky and Curly tell their story to you and then I am going to let you decide whether they shall be punished or go free. It's up to you." At once there was a change in the bearing of every boy and girl present. They straightened up and nodded their approval to Mr. George and to one another. There was a new light in their eyes. This light pleased Mr. George. He felt that justice would be done. Lanky and Curly, who were seated on a bench, backs to the company, did not even turn around to see how this announcement was received. Lanky leaned toward Curly and said in a stage whisper, "Say, Curly, dis is a lead-pipe cinch!" Mr. George turned to Lanky and said, "Now, son, you may get up and tell your fellow citizens all about it." Lanky, who was something of a humorist, rolled his eyes toward the heavens, assumed a sanctimonious expression, swung slowly round in a pivotal manner, and drawled out, "I hain't stole no apples. Oh, no, I hain't stole no apples." When this effort was received with stony silence, instead of with the expected shout of laughter, Lanky for the first time lowered his eyes and looked into the faces of his companions. Every young face was set and serious. He saw that peculiar light in their eyes which had so pleased Mr. George. It did not please Lanky. He realized with confused amazement that he was facing stern judges instead of condoning pals. The angry defiance which is so easily aroused in street boys flamed |