officers. It is to be expected that some who are void of the least regard to the public, will put on the appearance and even speak boldly the language of patriots, with the sole purpose of gaining the confidence of the public, and securing the loaves and fishes for themselves or their sons or other connexions. Men who stand candidates for public posts, should be critically traced in their views and pretensions, and though we would despise mean and base suspicion, there is a degree of jealousy which is absolutely necessary in this degenerate state of mankind, and is indeed at all times to be considered as a political virtue. It is in your power also to prevent a plurality of places incompatible with each other being vested in the same persons. This our patriots have loudly and very justly complained of in time past, and it will be an everlasting disgrace to them if they suffer the practice to continue. Care I am informed is taking to prevent the evil with as little inconvenience as possible, but it is my opinion that the remedy ought to be deep and thorough.

After all, virtue is the surest means of securing the public liberty. I hope you will improve the golden opportunity of restoring the ancient purity of principles and manners in our country. Every thing that we do, or ought to esteem valuable, depends upon it. For freedom or slavery, says an admired writer, will prevail in a country according

as the disposition and manners of the inhabitants render them fit for the one or the other.

P. S. Nov. 4th. Yesterday the colours of the 7th regiment were presented to the congress. They were taken at Fort Chamblee; the garrison surrendered prisoners of war to Major Brown of the Massachusetts forces, with one hundred and twenty-four barrels of gunpowder! May heaven grant us further success.

MR. GERRY TO MR. ADAMS.

DEAR SIR,

WATERTOWN, DEC. 13, 1775.

With pleasure I received your letter of October 29th, relative to the militia and other subjects equally important. When writing on the subject of the militia, I proposed they should be under the command of a continental general in case of their being raised to reinforce his army, and upon the supposition that this must require an act of the court of the colony whose militia should be thus raised. A continental general as such, I am clearly of opinion, ought not to have any command of the militia. It is by no means necessary for general defence. It would lead a principal servant of the government to forget his station, and conceive himself its master; but since, in military operations,

it is absolutely necessary to have but one head, each assembly would find it necessary that the commanding officer of the army, which their militia should occasionally reinforce, should take the command of such part as they might order to his assistance, and this during the pleasure only of such assembly, upon which plan he would, as to this, be in effect a colonial officer. We already see a growing thirst for power in some of the inferiour departments of the army, which ought to be regulated so far as to keep the military entirely subservient to the civil in every part of the united colonies.

Your sentiments on the choice of men for public offices are extremely just. The jealousy you speak of is plentifully produced in our house of representatives. This is so natural to their habits, and toryism so noxious, that an enemy to America might as well attempt to scale the regions of bliss, as to insinuate himself into the favour of the assembly; but I should be glad to see a sufficient guard against the choice of men on account of pecuniary recommendation. It is happy to find a man independent in his fortune, of good sense and true patriotism filling a public office; but when the last is wanting, the possession of the first is an evil. Notwithstanding which, there have been instances in this government of persons chosen into public office, who might have lived till the millenium in silent obscurity, had they depended

on their mental qualifications to bring them into public view.

With respect to incompatible offices, a bill is on foot to prevent this evil, and particular care will be taken to exclude gentlemen of the army from the legislative, that military influence may never reach the senate.

History can hardly produce such a series of events as have taken place in favour of American opposition. The hand of Heaven appears to have directed every occurrence. Had such an event as lately occurred in Essex happened to Cromwell, he would have published it as a miracle in his favour, and excited his soldiers to enthusiasm and bravery.*

The manufacture of salt-petre is increasing. We shall be greatly served, if a plan of the Philadelphia powder mills can be sent us, which, Mr. Revere tells me, the owner was so selfish as to refuse, without a reward of one hundred half joannes.

Your very true friend,

ELBRIDGE GERRY.

* Alluding to a statement in the public prints, that some papers thrown overboard from a privateer at sea, were fished up and brought into port many days afterwards by another vessel.

MR. S. ADAMS TO MR. GERRY.

PHILADELPHIA, JAN. 2, 1776.

MY DEAR SIR,

Your very acceptable letter of the 13th of December is now before me. Our opinions of the necessity of keeping the military power under the direction and control of the legislative, I always thought were alike. It was far from my intention in my letter to you on the subject, to attempt the correcting any imagined errour in your judgment, but rather shortly to express my own apprehensions at this time, when it is become necessary to tolerate that power, which is always formidable, and has so often proved fatal to the liberties of mankind.

It gives me great satisfaction to be informed, that the members of the house of representatives are possessed of so warm a spirit of patriotism, as that "an enemy to America may as well attempt to scale the regions of bliss, as to insinuate himself into their favour." Whatever kind of men may be denominated enemies to their country, certainly he is a very injudicious friend to it, who gives his suffrage for any man to fill a public office, merely because he is rich; and yet you tell me there are recent instances of this in our government. I confess it mortifies me greatly. The giving such a prefer