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now stands before the world substantially as it was prepared by its eminent author, who if he had not added to this splendid effort the devotion of a long life to the service of his country, would by that alone have acquired a glory coeval with the ages of the republic.

The declaration of independence as a state paper has not often been the subject of criticism. There is an elevation, a dignity and a solemnity in its style suited to the greatness of the occasion. There is a tone of high and chivalrous feeling about it that so well accorded with the temper of the times and with the excitement which the enumeration of wrongs and grievances are calculated to produce, that its faults, if it have any, have contributed to its popularity.

In later time it has been considered too severe in its language; and the objection probably implies, that as we are further removed from the theatre of the revolution, the grandeur and peril of its scenes strike us with less force. We do not feel as our fathers felt.

A state paper prepared for posterity is to deal only with principles as immutable as human nature, and none other have a place in this elaborate exposition. The proper style of their enunciation is a question of taste, but it partakes more of refinement than strength of mind to take offence at the bold language in which an oppressed people would enumerate their wrongs. In the cotempo

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raneous commentaries made on it by the friends of the ministry at home and abroad, there was much cavil at its doctrines and some question as to its facts, but no objection, that we have seen, to its high merits as an effort of intellectual skill. In a true republican spirit it places the objects of government in the good of the governed, and its right on their will; and as a corollary therefrom asserts the power of the people to abolish one government and institute another, "lying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness."

This was a doctrine to be sure, which had for many years been familiar to the patriots of the American congress. In the controversy between the governour and house of representatives in Massachusetts, it had been the theme of many an able harangue and eloquent state paper; and to illustrate and enforce it, and to bring the public mind to admit it and to feel its weight and importance, and its inseparable connexion with public liberty, had been the unceasing effort of the republican advocates throughout the continent. The declaration did indeed contain nothing new, but the occasion was not one which demanded new truth or new argument; it required a solemn, forcible, impressive recognition of truth that was familiar. This the declaration contains. "To say of the author that he performed his great work well,

would be doing him injustice. To say that he did excellently well, admirably well, would be inadequate and halting praise. Let us rather say, that he so discharged the duty assigned him, that all Americans may rejoice that the work of drawing the title deed of their liberties devolved on him."

26

CHAPTER XIV.

Letter communicating the Declaration of Independence........Received with joy in Massachusetts........ Character of the Act......... Committee of Congress visit Camp........Letter from Head Quarters.

THE great event, in which he had most heartily co-operated, was communicated without delay by Mr. Gerry to his constituents in Massachusetts.

MR. GERRY TO GENERAL WARREN.

DEAR SIR,

PHILADELPHIA, JULY 5, 1776.

*

I have the pleasure to inform you that a determined resolution of the delegates from some of the colonies to push the question of independency has had a most happy effect, and after a day's debate all the colonies excepting New-York, whose delegates are not empowered to give either an affirmative or negative voice, united in a declaration long sought for, solicited and necessary, the declaration of independency.

* The word was usually spelt in that manner. Hence the point of a remark made by a tory to a member of congress, "You have all gone far enough to be treated as rebels, and may expect to be in a state of pendency (that is to be hung) whether you declare for independency or not."

New-York will most probably on Monday next, when its convention meets for forming a constitution, join in the measure, and then it will be entitled the unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America.

I enclose you a copy of the declaration for yourself, and another for major Hawley, and offer you my sincere congratulations on the occasion, and I pray that we may never want the divine aid, or the spirit and the means to defend it.

Yours, &c.

ELBRIDGE GERRY.

The delegates from New-York received the expected authority. On the twentieth of July the places of the delegates from Pennsylvania, who had retired, were supplied by a new election. In expectation of this event it was on the nineteenth of July ordered that the declaration passed on the fourth, and which had in the usual manner been authenticated by the signature of the president only, be fairly engrossed on parchment with the title and style of "The unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America," and that the same when engrossed be signed by every member of congress. On the second day of August the copy being made and examined was signed at the table by the members then present, and

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