We are apt to delay. Let us strain every nerve. Don't let us hesitate a moment at any necessary expense. We will conquer or die. Amen. If you judge any thing in this confused epistle worth communicating to your brethren of this colony, (to whom I present my sincerest respects) you are at liberty to communicate it. And I am, dear sir, Your true friend, And faithful humble servant, Mr. Gerry. MR. DALTON* TO MR. GERRY. DEAR SIR, NEWBURYPORT, JULY 19, 1776. I wish you joy on the late full declaration,—an event so ardently desired by your good self and the people you particularly represent. We are no longer to be amused with delusive prospects. The die is cast. All is at stake. The way is made plain. No one can now doubt on which side it is his duty to act. We have every thing to hope from the goodness of our cause. The God of justice is omnipotent. We are not to fear what * Mr. Dalton was speaker of the house of representatives of Massachusetts, and afterwards a member of the senate of that state, from which he was elected to the first senate of the United States under the present constitution. man or a multitude can do. We have put on the harness, and I trust it will not be put off until we see our land a land of security and freedom, the wonder of the other hemisphere, the asylum of all who pant for deliverance from bondage. Wishing every blessing to attend you, I am, dear sir, with great regard, Your obedient servant, TRISTRAM DALTON. The situation of the united colonies at the time when the bold measure of severing their connexion with the British crown was in debate before congress, was not one which could have accelerated the event by the specious flattery of recent success. The declaration was reported and the resolution confirmed from a conviction on the minds of its illustrious advocates that it was the right of the country to assume independence; that the declaration would strengthen their own arm, increase their resources, facilitate a connexion with foreign powers, and lead to the successful termination of the struggle in which they were engaged; but no part of the motive in which this interesting occurrence originated, could have been derived from a false estimate of security or the undue elevation which good fortune too frequently inspires. The American cause had as yet little for encour agement, beyond the righteousness of its principles, and the firmness and moral feeling of the country. The British army, it is true, had been forced to evacuate Boston; but the labour of the contest convinced the Americans of their weakness, and of the vast expense at which future efforts were likely to be made. The leaders of the revolutioncause were satisfied that they were miserably deficient in all the necessary preparations for war. They were aware of the inadequacy of their funds; of the great difficulty with which money or its representative could be commanded; and what was even a more serious difficulty, of the reluctance with which the people would submit to the requirements of a state of war; of the jealousy every where entertained of a military force, of their unwillingness to give it a permanent character, and of the prodigality and inefficiency of the only organization, which their habits would allow them to provide for an army. At the moment the plan of independence was in debate, general Howe had returned from Halifax; and before its actual adoption, the British army had taken possession of Staten Island and menaced the city of New-York, It was not then under the excitement of victory and in the flush of success, that the patriots of 1776 determined to proclaim the independence of their country; it was in the school of adversity, amid calamities which already pressed upon them with severity, and in the prospect of dangers of indefinite continuance that the resolution was adopted to live free or die. The independence, which had been declared with so much boldness, it became necessary to defend. General Howe, in conjunction with his brother the admiral, came with authority to contest the claims of the Americans by force, or to conciliate them by offers of peace. All attempts at negotiation within the limits of their commission were soon rejected, and the hostile armies prepared to contend for victory in the field. The first efforts of the enemy were directed on Long Island, where general Sullivan under the immediate inspection of the commander in chief was stationed in great force, with good expectation of maintaining his defence. The result of the battle was disastrous in the extreme. An unprecedented slaughter of the best troops of the country was sustained; and the preservation of the remainder was owing to the personal exertion and ability of general Washington, whose "retreat from Long Island may justly be ranked among those skilful manœuvres which distinguish a master in the art of war." There were not wanting, however, enemies of the fame of this great man, who were willing to use the unfortunate result of the engagement of the 27th August and the disasters which followed it, to the injury of his reputation as a general, and to take advantage of the irritation always produced by want of success, to diminish the lustre of a character which owed its greatness not to fortune but to virtue. In a letter, addressed by the general to congress soon after this event, the true source of the evil was more correctly pointed out. It was ascribed to the insubordination of the detachments of militia, and the infection of their example on every other part of the army. "The militia," says he, "instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to return." He urged on congress the futility of depending on any force collected by short enlistments, and pointed out the unwarrantable expense of these temporary recruits, whose wastefulness and ignorance cost in the end more lives and money than a permanent army. The pressing remonstrances of the commander in chief, and the painful lessons of experience obtained the attention of congress. The board of war were directed to prepare a plan for the next campaign, and a committee of congress consisting of Mr. Sherman, Mr. Gerry and Mr. Lewis, were appointed" to repair to head-quarters near NewYork, to enquire into the state of the army, and the best means of supplying their wants." It was a moment of difficulty and discouragement, but it did not enervate or diminish the con |