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my sake to advise him, and be kind to him. He has a great inclination to come here, but for the present I think he had much better continue where he is, if his person can be protected from the insults of those whose tender mercies are cruelties.
LONDON, March 14, 1777. DEAR JOHNNY, Don't be frightened at seeing a letter from an old tory friend, lest it should come under the inspection of your high and mighty committees, as I suppose will be the case in your free and independent state. I hereby declare I have never received a line from you since I left Cambridge, August 31, 1774, excepting one while I was at Boston relative to two gowns which Molly H. stole from my wife, of which I desired you to make enquiry, and this is the first scrip I have attempted to you since the said date, so that you can't be charged with holding a correspondence with me. Thus much to prevent any mistakes which might expose you to the perils of tarring and feathering, Simsbury mines, a gaol or a gallows. I presume it can give no offence to committees, congresses, parsons or generals, that I embrace a favourable, or rather a possible opportunity of advising you that I am yet in the land of the living, though very probably they
may all be offended at the fact; but to ease their gall-bladders a little, I assure you and them, I hope in God I shall not live to see the day when America shall become independent of Great Britain. I suppose by this time you have entered so thoroughly into their mad scheme, that it will afford you no pleasure to hear your quondam friends on this side the Atlantic are well. However, I will mortify you by assuring you they are all in good health and spirits, and government has liberally supplied the wants of all the tory refugees who needed its assistance; and none here entertain the penumbra of a doubt how the game will end. No more does pious, frank, single-eyed, conscientious Dr. Elliot, you will say. Aye, I have seen his letters and compared them with two or three conversations he had with me between Charlestown Ferry and the college, not long before my flight. Well, duplicity may be justified on some principles for aught I know ; but I don't like it. I wish much to know how judge Lee holds his health and spirits. Apropos. If you have plenty of paper money, and it will answer his purpose,
I wish you would pay bim £30 L.M. with interest from September 1774, on my account, and present him and his lady my best wishes. I should like to take one peep at my house, but I suppose I should not know it again. Sic transit gloria mundi. I shan't break
I shan't break my heart about it. Every dog they say has his day, and I doubt not I shall have mine. Ah, my old friend, could you form a just idea of the immense wealth and power of the British nation, you would tremble at the foolish audacity of your pigmy states. Another summer will bring you all over to my opinion. I feel for the miseries hastening on my countrymen, but they must thank their own folly. God bless and carry you safe through.
JONATHAN W. SEWALL. John Foxcroft, Esq.
LITTLE CHELSEA, Aug. 5, 1777.
your letter and the information given me of the state of several of my friends. I had heard by way of Halifax of the death of Sally Rogers, but did not know she had left a will. I think Mrs. Merchant the properest person to take the administration in the absence of the executor.
My family here is in great distress. My daughter Peggy, ever since February, has been wasting in a consumption, and is now approaching to, if not in the last stage. I have been with her in different parts of the country ever since the 2d of March, except five or six days that I spent with her in London, and my attention has been so taken
up with one object, that I have scarce thought of other less troubles ; but all my endeavours have been to no purpose. This is the will of that infinitely wise being, who gave me so desirable a' child, and I am sure what he does is right.
I think you did very right in remaining in the country and not removing with the troops. I would have done the same, if I had not thought that I was obliged, from the character in which the king considered me, to go to England, notwithstanding a temporary successor was appointed to my government.
I wish it may be in my power to convince my countrymen of one truth, (which I feel the force of to my own great comfort every day) that I never, in my public character, took any one step in which I did not mean to serve their true interest, and to preserve to them every liberty consistent with it, or with their connexion with the kingdom. Whether they or I mistook their true interest, time will discover.
If I ever recover from my present distressed state of mind, I will write to you again, and make more particular mention of my relations and friends, but can only now desire to be affectionately remembered by all of them. I am, dear sir, your affectionate kinsman,
THOMAS HUTCHINSON, Mr. Edward Hutchinson.
Members of Congress constantly employed........ Further Letters........
Supposed hostility to Massachusetts on the part of some of the Leaders of the Revolution.........Massachusetts defended........Dissentions in the Delegation.
The business, which devolved on the members of congress, continued to increase in its burthens with the progress of the war. They had not only to provide for the future, but to revise the past. Every thing relating to the military or financial department had extended and increased. The foreign relations of the country assumed a more interesting character, and the honour of a seat among the illustrious leaders of the people was severely paid for by the labour it exacted.
Under date of 14th January 1773, Mr. Gerry, writing to a friend in Massachusetts, says, “Mr. Dana has been ordered by congress on a committee to camp. He will probably be absent a month.
am alone of our delegation, and the state will lose its vote. It will be very injurious to the interests of the government to be in this situation, as will often be the case while the presence
of three delegates is required to give a vote. I am
* The state of Massachusetts gave the right of a vote for the state to three delegates. For the state's vote to be counted on