Obrázky stránek
PDF
ePub
[merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small]
[ocr errors]

up my mind not to suffer calumny to disturb my tranquillity, yet I retain all my sensibilities for the approbation of the good and just. That is, indeed, the chief consolation for the hatred of so many, who, without the least personal knowledge, and on the sacred evidence of Porcupine and Fenno alone, cover me with their implacable hatred. The only return I will ever make them, will be to do them all the good I can, in spite of their teeth."

The result of this memorable conflict is fresh in the minds of our countrymen. It established an illustrious epoch in the history of the world. How consolatory to the friend of man, how inspiring to the votary of human rights, under every pressure of adversity, is the recollection of that bloodless and glory-hallowed triumph! It realized, beyond the power of future dismay, the confidence of those who believe that man may be intrusted with the government of his affairs, while it carried a proportional abortion to the hopes and machinations of the apostate revilers of republicanism. Its memo ry will be immortal, as the era of the political resurrection of man, by the triumphant re-establishment, under new and better anpora, of the sacred principles of the Revolution.

Mr. Jefferson was successful over his competing by a vone ch seventy-three to sixty-five, in the electoral colleges. The date of New York, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky and Ten nessee. were unanimous for in. The New England dare, eth Delaware and New Jersey, were stations for Mr. Adatta. sylvania and North Camina acting y daina yra marty Petite of votes to Mr. Jefferson: and Maryland vo spaly faded w tween the two candidates.

But owing a range fees n de Constitution vm mas countable inattentim a is parsons in merested contingeary arose which freenet o me the tesaret vill be satinn. and to place in the secure Chair 1 dan vid te we had not receivedita e ir hat sation. Irefer va elenet President in tama Burr extent in mul number of votes and the Constition eminet in gestiraina of the affce freier v LETAL wy em

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

acting on the monarchical principle of corruption, and bidding defiance to the acknowledged suffrage of the people. They held a private caucus, and resolved on the daring alternatives, either to elect Burr in the room of Jefferson, or, by preventing a choice altogether, to create an interregnum. In the latter event, they agreed to pass an act of Congress, devolving the government on a President, pro tem, of the Senate, who would of course be a person of their choice. On the developement of this conspiracy, a tremendous sensation was excited. The republicans declared, one and all, openly and firmly, that in the event of a legislative usurpation, devolving the government on a President of the Senate, the republican states would instantly arm, and resist the usurpation by force. On the 11th of February, the House proceeded in the manner prescribed by the Constitution to elect a President of the United States. The representatives were required to vote by States, instead of by persons. On opening the ballots it appeared there were eight states for Mr. Jefferson, six for Colonel Burr, and two divided; consequently there was no choice. The process was repeated, and the same result was indicated, through FIVE successive days and nights, and THIRTY-FIVE ballotings. During this long and awful suspense, the decision depended on a single vote! Either one of the federalists from the divided States, Vermont and Maryland, coming over to the republican side, would have made a ninth State, and decided the election in favor of Mr. Jefferson. But the opposition appeared invincible in the resolution to have a minority President, or to break up the elective succession. The republicans, on the other hand, deserve eternal praises for the inflexibility of their adherence to the will of the people Various and weighty overtures were made to them, but they resisted them all; while, what is equally honorable, not a single overture is pretended to have proceeded from them! Their fidelity on this occasion, was even stronger than their love of existence; for while they were equally incapable of being either the subjects or the agents of corruption, they would have resigned their lives, at any moment, to have saved the election of Mr. Jefferson. A precious reminiscence, in proof of this assertion, is related by a distinguished lady* of Washington:"Mr. N. one of the representatives from Maryland, had been for

*Mrs. S. H. Smith. See Mrs. Hale's Magazine, Nov. 183 1.

some weeks confined to his bed, and was so ill that his life was considered in danger; ill as he was, he insisted on being carried to the Hall of Representatives, in order to give his vote. The physicians absolutely forbid such a proceeding; he insisted, and they appealed to his wife, telling her that such a removal, and the consequent excitement, might prove fatal to his life. Be it so, then,' said she, 'if my husband must die, let it be at the post of duty; no weakness of mine shall oppose his noble resolution.' How little did these physicians expect, when they appealed to the influence of one of the fondest and most devoted of wives, this more than Spartan courage, and in an American, to find a Roman matron! Of course they withdrew their opposition; the patient was carried, in a litter, to the Capitol, where a bed was prepared for him in an anti-room adjoining the Senate Chamber, followed by his heroic wife, where, during the four or five days and nights of ballotting, she remained by his side; supporting by various restoratives, but more by her. presence, the strength of the feeble and almost expiring invalid, who with difficulty traced the name of Jefferson each time the ballot box was handed to him. Such was the spirit of that day—the spirit of that party!"

Finally, on the thirty-sixth ballot, the opposition gave way, ap parently from sheer exhaustion. Mr. Morris of Vermont withdrew, which enabled his only colleague, Lyon, to give the vote of that State to Mr. Jefferson. The four federalists from Maryland, who had hitherto supported Burr, voted blanks, which made the positive ticket of their colleagues the vote of that State. South Carolina and Delaware, both represented by federalists, voted blanks. So there were, on the last ballot, ten States for Mr. Jefferson, four for Colonel Burr, and two blanks.* The result, on being proclaimed, was greeted with loud and reiterated bursts of applause from the galleries, which were immediately ordered by the Speaker to be cleared. Mr. Jefferson did not receive a federal, nor Colonel Burr a democratic vote. The latter became, of course, Vice President; but his apostacy separated him irretrievably from the confidence of the re

* On the last ballot, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky and Tennessee, voted for Mr. Jefferson. New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, for Colonel Burr. Delaware and South Carolina, voted blanks.

publicans, while it demonstrated his fitness for those treasonable purposes of ambition which he subsequently manifested.

[ocr errors]

During the five days' pendency of the election, unwearied exertions were made by the federalists, to seduce Mr. Jefferson from his political principles, and to obtain from him terms and promises. But his virtue was impregnable. He uniformly and unequivocally declared to them, that he would not receive the government on capitulation, nor go into it with his hands tied.' Coming out of the Senate Chamber one day, he found Gouverneur Morris on the steps, who stopped him, and began a conversation on the strange and portentous state of things then existing. He went on to observe that the reasons why the minority of States was so opposed to his (Jefferson's) election, were, 1, He would turn all the federalists out of office; 2, Put down the navy; 3, Wipe off the public debt. That he need only declare, or authorize his friends to declare, that he would not take these steps, and instantly the event of the election would be fixed. Mr. Jefferson replied, that he should leave the world to judge of the course he intended to pursue, by that which he had pursued hitherto, believing it his duty to be passive and silent during the present scene; that he should never go into the office of President with his hands tied by any conditions which should hinder him from pursuing the measures which he should deem for the public good.

About the same time, he called on Mr. Adams, and they conversed together on the existing state of things. Mr. Jefferson observed, that a very dangerous experiment was then in contemplation, to defeat the Presidential election by an act of Congress declaring the right of the Senate to name a President of their body, to devolve on him the government during any interregnum; that such a meaure would probably produce resistance by force, and incalculable consequences, which it would be in his power to prevent by nega .tiving such an act. Mr. Adams appeared to think the expedient justifiable, and observed that it was in Mr. Jefferson's power to decide the election in an instant, by declaring he would not turn out the federal officers, nor put down the navy, nor spunge the national debt. Finding his opinion decided on the propriety of a legislative usurpation of the government, Mr. Jefferson pressed the point no farther, but observed that the world must judge as to himself of the

t

future by the past, and turned the conversation on other subjects.* The same propositions were intimated to him, about the same time, by Dwight Foster, of Massachusetts, and the same unequivocal and unyielding attitude was maintained. The causes of the final abandonment of the contest by the federalists, are stated in the following extracts from the private correspondence of Mr. Jefferson, one of which was written immediately before, and the other immediately after the decision of the question.

"Four days of balloting have produced not a single change of a vote. Yet it is confidently believed by most that to-morrow there is to be a coalition. I know of no foundation for this belief. However, as Mr. Tyler waits the event of it, he will communicate it to you. If they could have been permitted to pass a law for putting the government into the hands of an officer, they would certainly have prevented an election. But we thought it best to declare openly and firmly, one and all, that the day such an act passed, the middle States would arm, and that no such usurpation, even for a single day, should be submitted to. This first shook them; and they were completely alarmed at the resource for which we declared, to wit, a convention to re-organize the government, and to amend it. The very word convention gives them the horrors, as in the present democratical spirit of America, they fear they should lose some of the favorite morsels of the constitution. Many attempts have been made to obtain terms and promises from me. I have declared to them unequivocally, that I would not receive the government on capitulation, that I would not go into it with my hands tied. Should they yield the election, I have reason to expect in the outset the greatest difficulties as to nominations. The late incumbents running away from their offices and leaving them vacant, will prevent my filling them without the previous advice of Senate. How this difficulty is to be got over I know not."

"The minority of the House of Representatives, after seeing the impossibility of electing Burr, the certainty that a legislative usurpation would be resisted by arms, and a recourse to a convention to reorganize and amend the government, held a consultation on this dilemma, whether it would be better for them to come over in a body and go with the tide of the times, or by a negative conduct suffer the election to be made by a bare majority, keeping their body entire and unbroken, to act in phalanx on such ground of opposition as circumstances shall offer and I know their determination on this question only by their vote of yesterday. Morris of Vermont with

* Ana.

« PředchozíPokračovat »