al caprice. The lethargy of the public mind, under such a pressure of injustice, indicated to Mr. Jefferson, a fearful state of things. It presented to his philosophic eye, a degree of moral prostration, but one remove from that, which constitutes the proper element for des potism, and invites its fiercest visitations. It appeared to him indispensable, as a first measure, that something should be done, to break in upon the dead calm, which rested, like an incubus, on the Colonies, and to rouse the people to a sense of their real situation. Something, moreover, had been perpetually wanting, to produce concert of action, and a mutual understanding among the Colonies; which was essential to a systematic and efficacious resistance. These objects could only be accomplished, he conceived, by the dissemination, in an impressive form, of the earliest intelligence of events, with suitable and wholesome comments. This would keep their understandings sufficiently informed, and by scattering the flames of excitement, which were principally local, from one Colony to another, until the whole continent should be in a blaze, would keep them, also, in a mutual and constant state of alarm. With a view, therefore, to these important objects, and "not thinking the old and leading members up to the point of forwardness, which the times required," he proposed to a few of the younger ones, a private meeting, in the evening, "to consult on the state of things." On the evening of the eleventh of March, 1773, therefore, we find this little band of Virginia patriots, consisting of Mr. Jefferson, Patrick Henry, R. H. Lee, F. L. Lee, and Dabney Carr, assembled together in a private om of the Raleigh tavern, to deliberate on the momentous concerns of all British America. The minds of these bold statesmen were a perfect unison; and the concurrence of such minds, upon such an occasion, could scarcely fail to educe results, which should mak an era in the history of our nation. Nor did it so fail. This livle conclave, at the Raleigh tavern in Williamsburg, had the distinguishing merit of originating the most formidable engine of Colonial resistance, that had ever been devised; to wit, the "Committees of Correspondence," between the Legislatures of the different Colonies and the first visible offspring of this measure, was a movement of inconceivably more consequence, not only to America, but to the world-the call of a general Congress of all the Colonies.

:

This important result was foreseen, it appears, by the meeting, particularly by Mr. Jefferson, who has left us an interesting reminiscence of their doings, avoiding, in his usual way, any particular mention of his own agency.

"We were all sensible that the most urgent of all measures, was that of coming to an understanding with all the other Colonies, to consider the British claims as a common cause to all, and to produce a unity of action; and for this surpose that a Committee of Correspondence, in each Colony, would be the best instrument for inter-communication: and that their first measure would probably be, to propose a meeting of Deputies from every Colony, at some central place, who should be charged with the direction of the measures which should be taken by all.”

This presentiment, of the call of a General Congress, as the result of their meeting, must have made a powerful impression upon the mind of Mr. Jefferson; for at the age of seventy-three it was still fresh in his memory. In a letter to a son of Dabney Carr, in 1816, he alludes to it: "I remember that Mr. Carr and myself, returning home together, and conversing on the subject, by the way, concurred in the conclusion, that that measure [Committees of Correspondence] must inevitably beget the meeting of a Congress of Deputies from all the Colonies, for the purpose of uniting all in the same principles and measures, for the maintenance of our rights."

It being decided to recommend the appointment of these committees, Mr. Jefferson proceeded to draft a set of resolutions to that intent, and improved the opportunity to insert a special one, directing an inquiry into the judicial proceedings in Rhode-Island. The resolutions being agreed to, it was decided to propose them to the House of Burgesses, the next morning. His colleagues in council, pressed upon Mr. Jefferson to move them; "but I urged," says he, "that it should be done by Mr. Carr, my friend and brother-in-law, then a new member, to whom I wished an opportunity should be given, of making known to the House, his great worth and talents." It was accordingly agreed that Mr. Carr should move them; after which, this patriotic coterie dissolved, and repaired to their lodgings.

The resolutions were brought forward in the House of Burgesses, the next morning, by young Mr. Carr; who failed not to exhibit on the occasion, "his great worth and talents," in a speech which electrified the whole assembly. For once, it is said, the genius of Henry stood rebuked, before the eloquence of such a rival. Mr. Carr

was a member from the county of Louisa, handsome in person, dignified and engaging in manners, rich in imagination, cogent in reasoning, firm and undaunted in purpose, enthusiastic in the cause of liberty; and from the high promise which this display of his abilities and patriotism inspired, he was hailed as a powerful acquisition to the reform party. The members flocked around him, greeted him with praises, which spoke fervently in their countenances; and congratulated themselves on the accession of such a champion to their cause. But how soon were these proud anticipations blighted. Brief was the career of the eloquent and lamented Carr. In two months from the occasion which witnessed this, his first and last popular triumph, he was no more.

With what sensations Mr. Jefferson contemplated the success of "his friend and brother-in-law," and marked the deep sentiment of admiration which pervaded every bosom, can only be imagined. His great expectations were realized; he was overpowered with delight; and the scene altogether, made an impression upon him, which time could not obliterate. Nearly half a century afterwards, he reverts to the transaction, in a letter to a friend, with a freshness which showed a heart yet warm with the feeling it excited.

"I well remember the pleasure expressed in the countenance and conversation of the members generally, on this debut of Mr. Carr, and the hopes they conceived, as well from the talents as the patriotism it manifested. But he died within two months after, and in him we lost a powerful fellow laborer. His character was of a high order. A spotless integrity, sound judgment, handsome imagination, enriched by education and reading, quick and clear in his conceptions, of correct and ready elocution, impressing every hearer with the sincerity of the heart from which it flowed. His firmness was inflexible in whatever he thought was right: but when no moral principle stood in the way, never had man more of the milk of hu inan kindness, of indulgence, of softness, of pleasantry in conversation and conduct. The number of his friends, and the warmth of their affection, were proofs of his worth, and of their estimate of it. To give to those now living, an idea of the affliction produced by his death, in the minds of all who knew him, I liken it to that lately felt by themselves, on the death of his eldest son, Peter Carr, so like him in all his endowments and moral qualities, and whose recollection can never recur without a deep-drawn sigh from the bosom of any one who knew him."

The resolutions were adopted the same day, March 12, 1773, without a dissenting voice. They had been drafted so dexter

ously, and in such guarded terms, as not to awaken a suspicion in the old and cautious members, of their probable tendency; which caused a unanimous concurrence in the vote. They stand recorded on the journals of the House, thus :

Whereas, the minds of His Majesty's most faithful subjects in this Colony have been much disturbed, by various rumors, and reports of proceedings, tending to deprive them of their ancient, legal, and constitutional rights:

"And whereas, the affairs of this Colony are frequently connected with those of Great Britain, as well as the neighboring Colonies, which renders a communication of sentiments necessary; in order, therefore, to remove the uneasiness, and to quiet the minds of the people, as well as for the other good purposes above mentioned:

"Be it resolved, That a standing Committee of Correspondence and enquiry be appointed, to consist of eleven persons, to wit: the honorable Peyton Randolph, Robert C. Nicholas, Richard Bland, Richard H. Lee, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton, Patrick Henry, Dudley Digges, Dabney Carr, Archibald Cary, and Thomas Jefferson, esquires, any six of whom be a committee, whose bu siness it shall be to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence of all such acts and resolutions of the British Parliament, or proceedings of administration, as may relate to, or affect the British Colonies in America; and to keep up and maintain a correspondence and communication with our sister Colonies, respecting those important considerations; and the result of such their proceedings, from time to time, to lay before this House.

"Resolved, That it be an instruction to the said committee, that they do, without delay, inform themselves particularly of the principles and authority, on which was constituted a court of enquiry, said to have been lately held in Rhode-Island, with powers to transport persons accused of offences committed in America, to places beyond the seas to be tried.

"The said resolutions being severally read a second time, were, upon the question severally put thereupon, agreed to by the House, nemine contradicente.

"Resolved, That the Speaker of this House do transmit to the Speakers of the different Assemblies of the British Colonies on the continent, copies of the said resolutions, and desire that they will lay them before their respective Assemblies, and request them to ap point some person or persons of their respective bodies, to communicate from time to time with the said committee."

The House of Burgesses had no sooner passed these resolutions, than they were dissolved, as usual, by the Governor, then Lord Dunmore. For, although clothed in the most plausible and inoffensive

language, that watchful Executive had too much sagacity not to perceive, that they laid the foundation for a more formidable amount of resistance, than had yet been apprehended. But the sentence of dissolution had no other effect, than to give a popular impulse to the proceedings that led to it; and to excite to greater promptitude and zeal, those who were designated in the resolutions, for putting the machine into operation. The very next day, the Committee of Correspondence assembled, organized, and proceeded to business. They adopted a Circular letter, prepared by Mr. Jefferson, to the Speakers of the other Colonies, enclosing to each a copy of the resolutions; and left it in charge with their Chairman, Peyton Randolph, who was also Speaker of the House, to transmit them by expresses. The chief mover, thus had the happiness to see his favorite measure in an energetic course of execution.

Although the result of the Raleigh consultation had a more decisive bearing upon the subsequent movements of the country, than any recommendation that had preceded it, yet we find no inention of the occurrence in any of the numerous books of our revolution. But the history of the American Revolution has not been written, so said John Adams, in 1815; Mr. Jefferson echoes back the sentiment of his correspondent, and adds, it never can be written. On the subject, says he, of the history of the American Revolution, you ask, who shall write it? Who can write it? And who will ever be able to write it? Nobody; except merely its external facts; all its councils, designs, and discussions were conducted in secret, and no traces of them were preserved. These, which are the life and soul of history, must forever be unknown.' Mr. Madison is the only person now, who can be looked to with any confidence, to supply the revelation of these 'councils and designs,' and the public expectation is strongly directed to that quarter; but it is not probable that even he possesses the requisite materials for such an undertaking.

As an example of the imperfection of our revolutionary chronicles, it should be here noted, that the origination of these Committees of Correspondence between the Colonies, was for a long time claimed in behalf of Massachusetts. Gordon was the first historian who committed the oversight;* Marshallt copied Gordon, with

+ Vol. 1. page 202.

t Life of Washington, Vol. 2. p. 139..