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responding committees of the other Colonies, the expediency of ap pointing Deputies to meet in Congress, annually, at such place as should be convenient, to direct, from time to time, the measures required by the general interest.

The following is the manifesto adopted on this occasion, signed by eighty-nine members. The internal evidence, which is sufficiently strong, is the only proof Mr. Jefferson thought proper to leave, of its having come from him.

"An association, signed by eighty-nine members of the late House of Burgesses. We, His Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the late Representatives of the good people of this country, having been deprived, by the sudden interposition of the Executive part of this government, from giving our countrymen the advice we wished to convey to them, in a legislative capacity, find ourselves under the hard necessity of adopting this, the only method we have left, of pointing out to our countrymen such measures as, in our opinion, are best fitted to secure our dear rights and liberty from destruction, by the heavy hand of power now lifted against North America. With much grief we find, that our dutiful applications to Great Britain for the security of our just, ancient, and constitutional rights, have been not only disregarded, but that a determined system is formed and pressed, for reducing the inhabitants of British America to slavery, by subjecting them to the payment of taxes, imposed without the consent of the people or their Representatives; and that, in pursuit of this system, we find an act of the British Parliament, lately passed, for stopping the harbor and commerce of the town of Boston, in our sister Colony of Massachusetts Bay, until the people there submit to the payment of such unconstitutional taxes; and which act most violently and arbitrarily deprives them of their property, in wharves erected by private persons, at their own great and proper expense; which act is, in our opinion, a most dangerous attempt to destroy the constitutional liberty and rights of all North America. It is further our opinion, that as tea, on its importation into America, is charged with a duty imposed by Parliament, for the purpose of raising a revenue, without the consent of the people, it ought not to be used by any person who wishes well to the constitutional rights and liberties of British America. And whereas the India company have ungenerously attempted the ruin of America, by sending many ships loaded with teas into the Colonies, thereby intending to fix a precedent in favor of arbitrary taxation, we deem it highly proper, and do accordingly recommend it strongly to our countrymen, not to purchase or use any kind of East India commodity whatsoever, except saltpetre and spices, until the grievances of America are redressed. We are further clearly of opinion, that an attack made on one of our sister Colonies, to

compel submission to arbitrary taxes, is an attack made on all British America, and threatens ruin to the rights of all, unless the united wisdom of the whole be applied. And for this purpose it is recommended to the Committee of Correspondence, that they communicate with their several corresponding committees, on the expediency of appointing Deputies from the several Colonies of British America, to meet in general Congress, at such place, annually, as shall be thought most convenient; there to deliberate on those general measures which the united interests of America may from time to time require.

A tender regard for the interests of our fellow subjects, the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain, prevents us from going further at this time; most earnestly hoping, that the unconstitutional principle of taxing the Colonies without their consent, will not be persisted in, thereby to compel us, against our will, to avoid all commercial intercourse with Britain. Wishing them and our people free and happy, we are their affectionate friends, the late Representatives of Virginia."

That no time might be lost in carrying into effect their own recommendation of a Congress, they did not leave their seats without first having arranged the preliminary meeting for the choice of their own Deputies. They passed a resolution soliciting the people of the several counties, to elect Representatives, to meet at Williamsburg, the 1st of August ensuing, to take into further consideration the state of the Colony ; and particularly to appoint Delegates to the General Congress, should that measure be acceded to by the Corresponding Committees of the other Colonies. The meeting then dissolved; and the members, on returning to their respective counties, were universally greeted with the plaudits and congratulations of their countrymen.

CHAPTER III.

From this period, 1774, the royal government might be considered as virtually at an end, in Virginia. The self-constituted Convention, which was erected upon the ruins of the regal Legislature, immediately succeeded, by a bold usurpation, to all its functions, and took the reins of the government completely into their own hands. Agreeably to their instructions, the Committee of Correspondence lost no time in proposing to the co-ordinate committees of the other Provinces, the expediency of uniting in the plan of a General Congress. They met the day after the adjournment of the Convention, Mr. Jefferson in the chair; prepared letters according to their instructions; and dispatched them by messengers express, to their several destinations. The proposition was unanimously embraced; by Massachusetts first, whose Legislature was in session, when it was received; and by all the other Provinces, in quick succession, in the order in which their respective Legislatures, or informal Conventions, assembled. Delegates were universally chosen ; no Province sending less than two or more than seven. Philadelphia, forming a convenient central point, was designated as the place, and the 5th of September ensuing, as the time, of meeting.

Agreeably to the further recommendation of the memorable meeting at the Apollo, the people of the several counties of Virginia, universally elected Delegates to the preliminary Convention, at Williamsburg. Mr. Jefferson was chosen to represent the county in which he resided. Men of the first distinction in wealth, talents and wisdom, were uniformly selected; such as George Washington, the Randolphs, Pendleton, Wythe, Henry, the Lees, Nicholas, Bland, Harrison, &c. &c.; and on the first of August, "74, this formidable body, being the first democratic Convention in Virginia, assembled at Williamsburg, and organized for business, with all the solemnities of the regular Legislature.

Anticipating, probably, that he should be called upon to perform his usual office of draughtsman, at the Convention; or anxious, perhaps, to impress the stamp of liberality and forwardness upon their doings, Mr. Jefferson, before leaving home, had prepared a code of

instructions to the Delegates who should be chosen to Congress, which he meant to propose for their adoption. Speaking of these instructions, the author says, "they were drawn in haste, with a number of blanks, with some uncertainties and inaccuracies of historical facts, which I neglected at the moment, knowing they could be readily corrected at the meeting."

However much the diffidence of the author may have inclined him to deprecate the rigor of criticism, by diminishing its pretensions, it is generally admitted, that this production ranks second only to the Declaration of Independence; of which it was, indeed, the genuine precursor, both as it respects boldness and originality of sentiment, and unrivaled felicity of composition. He set out for Williamsburg, some days before that appointed for the meeting of the Convention, but was arrested on his journey by sickness, which prevented his attendance in person. His ardent spirit, however, was wholly there; and so anxious was he to discharge, in some way, the duties of his appointment, that he forwarded by express, duplicate copies of his draught; one under cover to Patrick Henry, the other, to Peyton Randolph, whom he presumed would be chairman of the Convention. His own account of the reception of his draught, is too interesting to be omitted.

"Whether Mr. Henry disapproved the ground taken, or was too lazy to read it, for he was the laziest man in reading I ever knew, I never learned: but he communicated it to nobody. He probably thought it too bold, as a first measure, as the majority of the members did. On the other copy being laid upon the table of the Convention, by Peyton Randolph, as the proposition of a member who was prevented from attendance, by sickness on the road, tamer sentiments were preferred, and, I believe, wisely preferred; the leap I proposed being too long, as yet, for the mass of our citiThe distance between these, and the instructions actually adopted, is of some curiosity, however, as it shows the inequality of pace with which we moved, and the prudence required to keep front and rear together."

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The paper was read, nevertheless, with great avidity, by the members; and although they considered it 'a leap too long for the present state of things, they were so impressed with its profound and luminous expositions of the rights and wrongs of the Colonies, that they caused it to be published in pamphlet form, under the title of "A Summary View of the Rights of British America." A copy of the work having found its way to England, it was taken up by the

whigs in Parliament, interpolated some by the celebrated Burke, in order to adapt it to opposition purposes there, and in that form ran rapidly through several editions. Such doctrines as were advanced in this pamphlet, had never before been heard in England, nor even ventured in America; and they drew upon the author, the hottest vials of ministerial wrath. The name of Jefferson was forthwith enrolled in a Bill of Attainder, for treason, in company with those of about twenty other American citizens, who were considered the principal 'agitators' in the Colonies. The Attainder, however, although actually commenced in Parliament, never came to maturity, but ‘was suppressed in embryo, by the hasty step of events, which warned them to be a little cautious.'

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This ancient paper is highly valuable, as containing the first disclosure, in a round and authentic form, of the state of Mr. Jefferson's mind, on the subject of those great political questions, which were the bases of the American Revolution; and as exhibiting, in the discussions which it gave rise to, and in the circumstances attending its rejection by the Convention, the inequality of pace' with which the leaders in the American councils travelled onward, to the same result. It is curious and impressive to take a retrospective view of the minds of that noble fraternity of American sages, which, some straining on to keep up, others falling back to receive them, moved in a column of unanimity and power, which astonished the eighteenth century. Nor will it be thought invidious, at the present day, to compare the birth, and trace the relative progress of their opinions, on the subject of those eternal principles, the practical application of which, in a rational and peacable way, has already regenerated the political condition of half the world. It appears, that in the most essential principles involved in the emancipation of the American Colonies, from Great Britain-those principles, which settled the question upon its right basis, and determined the final crisis, by forming an issue of eternal irreconcilibility-Mr. Jefferson was for a long time ahead of his cotempora~ ries. The great point, at which the leaders of that hazardous enterprise, with a single exception, halted, as the ne plus ultra of colonial right, he only called the half-way house. A brief memorandum, which he himself has left of that period, explains the ground which he occupied, and the precise distance between him and his compatriots. Speaking of his draft of instructions, he says

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