then, indeed, their continuing in office becomes dangerous to the State, and calls for an exercise of the power of dissolution. Such being the causes for which the representative body should, and should not, be dissolved, will it not appear strange, to an unbiassed observer, that that of Great Britain was not dissolved, while those of the Colonies have repeatedly incurred that sentence?

"But your Majesty or your Governors have carried this power beyond every limit known or provided for by the laws. After dissolving one House of Representatives, they have refused to call another, so that, for a great length of time, the Legislature provided by the laws has been out of existence. From the nature of things, every society must at all times possess within itself the sovereign power of legislation. The feelings of human nature revolt against the supposition of a State so situated, as that it may not, in any emergency, provide against dangers which perhaps threaten immediate ruin. While those bodies are in existence to whom the people have delegated the powers of legislation, they alone possess, and may exercise, those powers. But when they are dissolved, by the lopping off one or more of their branches, the power reverts to the people, who may use it to unlimited extent, either assembling together in person, sending deputies, or in any other way they may think proper. We forbear to trace consequences further; the dangers are conspicuous with which this practice is replete.

"That we shall, at this time also, take notice of an error in the nature of our land-holdings, which crept in at a very early period of our settlement. The introduction of the feudal tenures into the kingdom of England, though ancient, is well enough understood to set this matter in a proper light. In the earlier ages of the Saxon settlement, feudal holdings were certainly altogether unknown, and very few, if any, had been introduced at the time of the Norman conquest: Our Saxon ancestors held their lands, as they did their personal property, in absolute dominion, disencumbered with any superior, answering nearly to the nature of those possessions which the Feudalists term Allodial. William the Norman first introduced that system generally. The lands which had belonged to those who fell in the battle of Hastings, and in the subsequent insurrections of his reign, formed a considerable proportion of the lands of the whole kingdom. These he granted out, subject to feudal duties, as did he also those of a great number of his new subjects, who, by persuasions or threats, were induced to surrender them for that purpose. But still much was left in the hands of his Saxon subjects, held of no superior, and not subject to feudal conditions. These, therefore, by express laws, enacted to render uniform the system of military defence, were made liable to the same military duties as if they had been feuds: and the Norman lawyers soon found means to saddle them, also, with all the other feudal burthens. But still they had not been surrendered to the King, they were not

that tranquillity for which all must wish. On their part, let them be ready to establish union on a generous plan. Let them name their terms, but let them be just. Accept of every commercial preference it is in our power to give, for such things as we can raise for their use, or they make for ours. But let them not think to exclude us from going to other markets, to dispose of those commodities which they cannot use, nor to supply those wants which they cannot supply. Still less, let it be proposed, that our properties, within our own territories, shall be taxed or regulated by any power on earth, but our own. The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time: the hand of force may destroy, but cannot disjoin them. This, Sire, is our last, our determined resolution. And that you will be pleased to interpose, with that efficacy which your earnest endeavors may insure, to procure redress of these our great grievances, to quiet the minds of your subjects in British America against any apprehensions of future encroachment, to establish fraternal love and harmony through the whole empire, and that that may continue to the latest ages of time, is the fervent prayer of all British America."

Upon a critical examination of this valuable paper, it will be perceived, that the author had already attained to those sublime and fundamental discoveries in Political Science, which have since, through the united instrumentality of himself and his disciples, received such an astonishing exemplification before the world. It is a more learned and elementary production, than the Declaration of Independence; to which it is not inferior as a literary performance; but in power and sublimity of conception, greatly overshadowed, as is every other monument of human genius, by the 'Declaratory Charter of our rights and of the rights of man."

The author begins with the vindication of the first principle of all political truth, the sovereignty of the people, as a right which they derive from God, and not from His Majesty; who, he boldly affirms, 'is no more than the chief officer of the people, appointed by the laws, and circumscribed with definite powers, to assist in working the great machine of government, erected for their use, and consequently subject to their superintendence.' He next proceeds to vindicate the right of expatriation, showing that the barbarian nations in the North of Europe, from whom the inhabitants of Great Britain descended, would have as good right to usurp jurisdiction over them, as they have over us; and from this right, the basis of every other, he deduces the broad principle, that the American 'States' were co-ordinate nations with Great Britain herself,

having a common Executive head, but no other link of political union. The doctors of nullification would here find a triumphant justification of their theory, should it be made to appear, that the States possess the same relation to the federal, that they then did to the mother, government! He repudiates, with becoming satire, the fictitious principle of the common law, that all lands belong mediately or immediately to the Crown; and says, 'it is high time to declare, that His Majesty has no right to grant lands of himself.' Finally, he tells His Majesty to 'open his breast to liberal and expanded thought; that the great principles of right and wrong are legible to every reader;' and that 'the whole art of government consists in the art of being honest.'

As has already been observed, the Convention at Williamsburg were not prepared to sanction, by their deliberate adoption, the principles contained in these 'instructions.' Tamer sentiments* were substituted; the congressional delegatest appointed, to the number of seven; and resolutions adopted, in which they pledged themselves to make common cause with the people of Boston, in every extremity-broke off all commercial connexion with the mother country, until the grievances of which they complained, should be redressed and empowered their chairman, Peyton Randolph, or in case of his death, Robert C. Nicholas, on any future occasion, that might in his opinion require it, to reconvene the several delegates of the Colony, at such time and place as he might judge proper. This last resolve was more important than all the others, as it showed their determination to continue the government in their own hands, to the exclusion of the parent authorities, and was a virtual assumption of independence, in Virginia.

The General Congress assembled at Carpenter's Hall, in Philadelphia, September 5th, '74; and organized for business, by choosing Peyton Randolph of Virginia, President, and Charles Thompson of Pennsylvania, Secretary. Delegates attended from every Province, except Georgia, and were in number fifty-five. The splendid proceedings of that venerated body, belong to general history, and do not require any reference in this volume, until Mr.

*See Appendix, Note A.

The delegates to the first Congress, on the part of Virginia, were Peyton Randolph, Richard H. Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton.

Jefferson became a member. They terminated their first session on the 26th of October, to meet again at the same place, on the 10th of May ensuing, at which time Mr. Jefferson became a Deputy elect.

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On the 20th of March, 1775, the popular Convention of Virginia assembled, for the second time, upon invitation of the Chairman, to deliberate further on the condition of public affairs, and the measures which it demanded. Mr. Jefferson continued to be a member; and the reader will be prepared to expect a corresponding continuance of bold results. We have already seen him the author of opinions, which, should they become so far americanized as to affect the controversy, could not but transfer the decision to the bloody tribunal of nations. To a political union with Great Britain, upon the broad basis of reason and right, he was not averse; nay, he most anxiously and fervently desired it, to avoid the horrors and desolations which the other alternative presented. "But, by the God that made me,” said he, a short time subsequent, “I will cease to exist, before I yield to a connexion on such terms as the British Parliament propose." The distance between the terms upon which he would consent to a union, and the terms which Great Britain had challenged, and manifested a disposition to extort, was too great to admit any reasonable hope of accommodation. The only grounds upon which he would submit to a compromise, were, freedom from all jurisdiction of the British Parliament, and the exclusive regulation, by the Colonies, of their own internal affairs,— freedom from all restraints upon navigation, with respect to other nations,-freedom from all necessary accountability to the common law,—and, in a word, freedom from all the laws, institutions and customs of the mother country, until they should have been specifically adopted as our laws, institutions and customs, by the positive or implied assent of the people. But would Great Britain consent to an abandonment of all her pretensions, and accept the proffered bagatelle? The idea was preposterous. So far from it, there was little probability she would yield to the far more gracious proposals of Congress. Mr. Jefferson saw, with prophetic certainty, the inevitable result; and he yearned to have the same clear, strong, yet terrible perspective burst upon the tardy apprehensions of his countrymen. With that wonderful precision with which he always penetrated the future, and predicted its developments, he had

long anticipated the awful crisis, to which the current of events was fast settling; and we have now arrived close upon the epoch, when his mind was made up to meet that crisis, with all the firmness which the nature of it demanded. "My creed," says he, "had been formed on unsheathing the sword at Lexington." This event, it will be recollected, occurred the ensuing month. Time will soon disclose, with what fidelity our political apostle put his 'creed' into practice.

The Convention proceeded to business. They adopted a resolution expressive of their unqualified approbation of the measures of Congress; declaring, that they considered this whole continent as under the highest obligations to that respectable body, for the wisdom of their counsels, and their unremitted endeavours to maintain and preserve inviolate, the just rights and liberties of His Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects in America.' They next resolved, that the warmest thanks of the Convention, and of all the inhabitants of this Colony, were due, and that this just tribute of applause be presented to the worthy delegates deputed by a former Convention, to represent this Colony in general Congress, for their cheerful undertaking and faithful discharge of the very important trust reposed in them.'

It would be doing injustice to Mr. Jefferson, to suppose the above resolutions came from him. They have none of the holy phrenzy of his thoughts, or of the uniform polish of his pen. Not that he disapproved them; on the contrary, he regarded their adoption as an act of imperious justice, as well as gratitude. But they probably proceeded from that grave and tranquil side of the House, which now, as heretofore, was content to follow; and whose sentiments, being more in unison with the instructions given to their own Deputies, were more conformable, also, to the attitude assumed by Congress. For be it understood, there was the same strong inequality of sentiment in this, as in all former meetings; nor was it long in displaying itself, even fearfully. Soon there arose a tall and muscular leader from the other side of the House, who responded, in a note of thunder, to the preceding resolutions, as follows:

Resolved, That this Colony be immediately put into a state of defence, and that be a committee to prepare a plan for embodying, arming, and disciplining, such a number of men, as may be sufficient for that purpose."