The effect of this proposition was like a bolt from heaven, upon the veteran and placid body of the Convention. A deep and painful sensation ensued, portending a desperate resistance to the measure. Long and vehement was the contest that succeeded. The resolution was opposed by all the old and considerate members, including some of the warmest patriots of the Convention, Pendleton, Harrison, Bland, Nicholas, and even the sanguine and republican Wythe. Alluding to these gentlemen, and their backwardness upon this occasion, Mr. Jefferson writes to a friend, in 1815:

“These were honest and able men, who had begun the opposition on the same grounds, but with a moderation more adapted to their age and experience. Subsequent events favored the bolder spirits of Henry, the Lees, Pages, Mason, &c. with whom I went in all points. Sensible, however, of the importance of unanimity among our constituents, although we often wished to have gone on faster, we slackened our pace, that our less ardent colleagues might keep up with us; and they, on their part, differing nothing from us in principle, quickened their gait somewhat beyond that, which their prudence might, of itself, have advised, and thus consolidated the phalanx, which breasted the power of Britain. By this harmony of the bold with the cautious, we advanced, with our constituents, in undivided mass, and with fewer examples of separation, than perhaps existed in any other part of the union."

It is a sublime contemplation to dwell upon the example thus recorded by Mr. Jefferson, of that indissoluble fraternization in the cause of liberty, which prevailed among our forefathers; humbling the pride of experience, chastening the enthusiasm of youth, and graduating all minds to the same height of resolution and action. In the chaste and cohesive patriotism of that day, no mixture of personal ambition ever entered, to corrupt or divide the mass. These gentlemen were all characters of weight in the Colony; so much so, that in all proceedings of a popular bearing, it was essential to conciliate their interest. Their opposition, therefore, at this stage of their advances, was a source of real anguish to the more ardent chiefs of the reform party. Their repugnance, too, to the military proposition, was as unfeigned, as it was firm. They had never dreamed of carrying their resistance into more serious forms, than those of petition, remonstrance, and passive non-intercourse. Their expectations were yet warm and unclouded, of a final reconciliation with the parent government; and they shrunk, with

ons.

unaffected horror, from any attitude, which might endanger that result. Their minds had not yet expanded beyond the restraints of education and deep-rooted prejudice; and they clung, with filial attachment, to the institutions and form of government, of the mother country. Most of them, moreover, were zealous Churchmen, ardently attached to the established religion of Great Britain; and dreaded an avulsion from her, on that account, as from the anchor of their salvation. They directed the whole weight of their influence, and exerted all the powers of their eloquence, to defeat the measure; but their resistance was overborne by the impetuosity of that torrent, which poured from the lips of the affirmative champiThe resolution was moved by Mr. Henry, and supported by him, by Mr. Jefferson, and the whole of that magnanimous host, which had achieved such miracles in council. They put their united resources into action; and, by an effort of tremendous power, bore off the palm against the wisdom and pertinacity of the adversary corps. The proposition was carried; and no sooner was the vote declared, than the opposing members, one and all, filed in with the majority, and lent their names to supply the blank in the resolution. They 'quickened their gait somewhat beyond that which their prudence had, of itself, advised,' and advanced boldly, to a line with their colleagues. Mr. Jefferson was also appointed on the committee to prepare the plan called for by the resolution. The committee met immediately; and reported to the same Convention, a plan for embodying, arming, and disciplining the militia, which was likewise adopted. Thus did the Colony of Virginia arise and cover herself with the "impenetrable ægis" of popular governernments, an army of citizen soldiers.

This was a capital revolutionary movement. Besides the local advantages which it secured, it operated as a stimulus to the sister Colonies, and to Congress. But it was even more important as recognizing a fundamental principle. In the preamble to the resolution, which bears the broad stamp of Mr. Jefferson's sentiments, it is declared, that a well-regulated militia, composed of gentlemen and yeomen, is the natural strength and only security of a free government; and, that a standing army, of mercenary soldiers is subversive of the quiet, dangerous to the liberties, and burthensome to the properties of the people.'

Having disposed of this trying subject, and transacted some other business of minor importance, the Convention proceeded to the election of Deputies to the ensuing Congress. They re-appointed the same persons; and, foreseeing the probability that Peyton Randolph would be called off, to attend a meeting of the House of Burgesses, of which he was Speaker, they made choice of Mr. Jefferson to supply the vacancy. To have been appointed, young as he was, a substitute of the President of Congress, was an evidence of the extraordinary estimate which was put upon his abilities. Lastly, having provided for a re-election of Delegates to the next Convention, they came to an adjournment.

We have now reached the precise date, May 1775, at which Mr. Jefferson consummated his creed; that creed which he so eloquently dictated to Congress, one year after, and they so undauntedly promulgated to the world. The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time,' was his first tenet; the hand of force may destroy, but cannot disjoin them,' was his last, his determined resolution. How beautifully consistent the profession, with the final resolve. The 'hand of force' had been upraised; the sword had been drawn at Lexington, and blood had been spilt. From that moment, all hope, not to say desire, of a peaceable accommodation, perished in his bosom. Strong as had been the ties of consanguinity, which bound him to his British brethren, and none had ever felt or cherished them more fondly, his love of justice, honor, and the rights of humanity, were still stronger. Long had he returned affection for cruelty; long had he striven, by the holy eloquence of passive fortitude, and the holier eloquence of his untiring prayers, to re-establish fraternal love and harmony. But his 'repeated petitions had been answered only by repeated injuries,' until the merciless catalogue had been crimsoned with the blood of his countrymen. This fatal act had 'given the last stab to agonizing affection, and manly spirit bade him to renounce forever those unfeeling brethren.' 'We must endeavor, he then felt, to forget our former love for them, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends,'

The following letter, written at this time, exhibits the state of his own, and of the public mind, on the intelligence of the first hostilities. It is the earliest, in date, of his published Correspondence,

and is addressed to his old college friend and preceptor, Dr. William Small, then residing in England.

"May 7, 1775.

"Dear Sir,-Within this week we have received the unhappy news of an action of considerable magnitude, between the King's troops and our brethren of Boston, in which, it is said, five hundred of the former, with the Earl of Percy are slain. That such an action has occurred, is undoubted, though perhaps the circumstances may not have reached us with truth. This accident has cut off our last hope of reconciliation, and a phrenzy of revenge seems to have seized all ranks of people. It is a lamentable circumstance, that the only mediatory power, acknowledged by both parties, instead of leading to a reconciliation his divided people, should pursue the incendiary purpose of still blowing up the flames, as we find him constantly doing, in every speech and public declaration. This may, perhaps, be intended to intimidate into acquiescence, but the effect has been most unfortunately otherwise. A little knowledge of human nature, and attention to its ordinary workings, might have forseen that the spirits of the people here were in a state, in which they were more likely to be provoked, than frightened, by haughty deportment. And to fill up the measure of irritation, a proscription of individuals has been substituted in the room of just trial. Can it be believed, that a grateful people will suffer those to be consigned to execution, whose sole crime has been the developing and asserting their rights? Had the Parliament possessed the power of reflection, they would have avoided a measure as impotent as it was inflammatory. When I saw Lord Chatham's bill, I entertained high hope that a reconciliation could have been brought about. The difference between his terms, and those offered by our Congress, might have been accommodated, if entered on, by both parties, with a disposition to accommodate. But the dignity of Parliament, it seems, can brook no opposition to its power. Strange, that a set of men, who have made sale of their virtue to the minister, should yet talk of retaining dignity! But I am getting into politics, though I sat down only to ask your acceptance of the wine, and express my constant wishes for your happiness."

According to expectation, the General Assembly of Virginia was summoned by Governor Dunmore, to meet on the 1st day of June, "75; and Peyton Randolph was obliged to leave the chair of Congress, to attend as Speaker to that Assembly. Thus was created the anticipated vacancy in the congressional delegation, which Mr. Jefferson was so happily elected to fill. But he did not take his seat in that memorable body until some weeks after. A

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more imperious duty required his attention at home, just at that mo

ment.

Lord Dunmore had paraded the Legislature before him, with a mighty flourish of the graces, intimating that His Majesty, in the plenitude of his royal condescension, had extended the "olive branch" to his discontented subjects in America, and opened the door of reconciliation, upon such terms as demanded their grateful consideration and prompt acceptance. The olive branch of Dunmore proved to be the famous "Conciliatory Proposition" of Lord North; than which, a more insidious overture, or a more awkward attempt at diplomacy, never disgraced the annals of ministerial intrigue. He immediately laid his budget before the Legislature, with an air of great pomp and mystery. Happily, Mr. Jefferson was a member; and he was entreated to delay his departure for Congress, until this exciting subject should have been disposed of. The Speaker, Randolph, knowing that the same proposition had been addressed to the Governors of all the Colonies, and anxious that the answer of the Virginia Assembly, likely to be the first, should harmonize with the sentiments and wishes of the body he had recently left, persuaded Mr. Jefferson to remain at his post. "He feared," says the latter, "that Mr. Nicholas, whose mind was not yet up to the mark of the times, would undertake the answer, and therefore pressed me to prepare it."

The import of this celebrated Proposition was, that should any Colony propose to contribute its proportion towards providing for the common defence, such proportion to be disposable by Parliament, and to defray the amount of its own civil list; such Colony, should the proposal be approved by the parent government, should be exempted from all parliamentary taxes, except those for the regulation of commerce; the nett proceeds of which should be passed to its separate credit. It was perceived, at once, that an official proposition from the British Court, so specious in its terms, and, at the same time, so mischievous in its designs, required a fundamental evisceration and reply. A committee of twelve, therefore, of the strongest members, was raised, to devise the appropriate treatment; and to Mr. Jefferson, who was one of the committee, was assigned with one accord, the exclusive preparation of the instrument. In what manner he executed the important charge confided to him, it would be almost superfluous to repeat. The