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they cannot do otherwise, again and again in the last eight years they have declared their unalterable determination not to support Mr. Blaine for the Presidency. Their opposition is not captious; they have come to distrust Mr. Blaine with reluctance, and have yielded to doubt only because they could not shut it out; they have never endeavored to impose any candidate of their own upon the party. It is through no fault of theirs that they now stand silent in a campaign to which they had looked forward as opening another and nobler chapter in the history of the nation.

[From the Springfield Republican.]

It is not to be wondered at that members of the Republican National Committee complain bitterly that "the cause" is without satisfactory newspaper advocacy. This is the first striking feature of the situation. The New York Tribune is playing light Blaine tunes, the Commercial Advertiser generally does the same, and of the weekly and illustrated papers Frank Leslie's may be counted on supporting the Republican ticket-and the trio represents a total circulation of perhaps 100,000 copies. On the other side is ranged almost solidly the rest of the press of the city, which stands for a circulation of over half a million copies, the Times, Herald, Evening Post, Telegram, World, Staats Zeitung, Harper's Weekly, Puck and Sun-which is certainly anti-Blaine-makingjup the interesting array. Whatever may be said about the influence of newspaper writing in determining the results of elections, it will not be denied that newspapers reflect to a great extent the local sentiment.

Independent Press on Cleveland.

[New York Herald, July 12.]

"The Herald puts at the head of its columns the Democratic ticket for President and Vice-President of the United States. We congratulate the Democratic party upon the work of its Convention at Chicago and the opportunity it offers to the American people, through a union of patriotic voters, by whatever name they call themselves-Democrats, Independents, Labor Reformers, or whatsoever else to redeem the country from the disgrace and peril to which the Republichn party has plotted to expose it by the thoroughly bad nominations of Blaine and Logan.

"Cleveland's easy nomination on the second ballot yesterday justifies all that we have thought and said of the sound judgment and good sense of this Convention when put to a decisive test of choosing what is vital, sound and vigorous in the Democracy and what is very much the other way; and the convention is to be congratulated upon the fact that it has named the man who will be the next President.

[Harper's Weekly, July 19.]

"The nomination of Governor Cleveland defines sharply the actual issue of the Presidential election of this year. He is a man whose absolute official integrity has never been questioned, who has no laborious and doubtful explanations to undertake, and who is universally known as the Governor of New York, elected by an unprecedented majority which was not partisan, and represented both the votes and the consent of an enormous body of Republicans, and who as the Chief Executive of the State has steadily withstood the blandishments and the threats of the worst elements of his party, and has justly earned the reputation of a courageous, independent, and efficient friend and promoter of administrative reform. His name has become that of the especial representative among our public men of the integrity, purity, and economy of administration, which are the objects of the most intelligent and patriotic citizens. nomination of Governor Cleveland is due not so much to the preference of his party as to the general demand of the country for a candidacy which stands for precisely the qualities and services which are associated with his name."

[N. Y. Times, July 12.]

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It is not only in what he clearly represents but in what he distinctly opposes that Grover Cleveland is strong before the Ameriean people. His career has made him the exponent of clean and honest politics. In the administration of public trusts he has shown that he is superior to partisan bias, indifferent to such party interests as are in conflict with official probity and the public welfare. He has been severely tried in the important and responsible post he now occupies. He has resisted the importunities of designing politicians, he has defeated the purposes of selfish schemers. All those members of his own party who are not absorbed in private aims which are in conflict with the public good are outspoken in his praise; and he has won the good opinion of all Republicans who are not so far gone in partisanship as to have lost the power to commend upright conduct in a political adversary.

[The Nation, July 17.]

The nomination of Governor Cleveland by the Democratic Convention makes the way perfectly plain and simple for all friends of good government who are for any reason dissatisfied with the Republican candidate. This time the Democrats have made no mistake.

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* * * Cleveland has happily something far stronger than the promise of a strong character to commend him to the suffrages of good men of all parties. He is a tried administrator. One of the Blaine organs in its great agony has tried to relieve itself by calling him "a man destitute of experience. Of one kind of experience-experience in political trickery and manipulation, and in the art of making money for himself and his friends out of politics-he is, indeed, destitute. But the present extraordinary political crisis is due to the profound and growing popular belief that this kind of experience is too common among our statesmen, and that the Republican candidate in particular is too rich in it either for his own or his country's good. Of the kind of experience which the present situation in national affairs most imperatively calls for, experience in administration, Cleveland has more than any one who has entered the White House since 1860, more than any man whom either party has nominated within that period, except Seymour and Tilden-more than Lincoln, more than Grant, more than Hayes, more than Garfield, more than Arthur.

He laid at the start the best of all foundations for American statesmanship by becoming a good lawyer. He began his executive career by being a good county sheriff. He was next intrusted with the administration of a great city-as severe a test of a man's capacity in dealing with men and affairs as any American in our time can undergo. In both offices he gave boundless satisfaction to his fellow-citizens of both parties. His nomination for the Governorship of this State came in due course, and at a crisis in State affairs which very closely resembled that which we are now witnessing in national affairs. His election by an unprecedented majority is now an old story. It was the beginning of a revolution. It was the first thorough fright the tricky and jobbing element in politics ever received here. It for the first time in the experience of such politicans gave reform an air of reality."

[From the Springfield (Mass.) Republican.]

The Democratic party has come fully up to its great opportunity and placed in nomination for the presidency Governor Cleveland, of New York, with Hendricks, of Indiana, in the second place, as in 1876. It is the old ticket of 1876, with the new reforming Governor of New York in place of the old. This is a happy union of the available half of the ticket of 1876, and of the new and vigorous manhood of the party, with its recent experience in practical administration, and its just appreciation of the present issues. The nomination of this ticket gives the Democracy approximately an even chance of carrying the country. They have sound candidates upon a good platform.

[From the Boston Herald.]

With Cleveland as the Democratic candidate the composition of the two parties will be materially changed. Democrats who are in politics for the spoils and plunder they can get out of it, will, many of them openly, or secretly, go for Blaine. The better portion of the Republican party, embracing men of principle and independence, will furnish votes for Cleveland. If the Republican leaders are satisfied with the exchange they are not to be envied their capacity for being pleased. With a reform candidate, nominated by the Democratic party solely because he is and has always been a reformer, and is acceptable to the reform voters, it looks like the beginning of a practical reorganization of parties. It certainly looks like the beginning of the end of the Republican party as at present organized and led. Defeat will do the Republican party good. Success will do the Democratic party good.

From the New York Staats-Zeitung.

It cannot be honestly denied that a change of parties in office, brought about without revolution, can only have a wholesome effect. No party can continue a long, uninterrupted possession of power without becoming a prey to corruption. The Republican party has furnished ample proof of this. Let there be an opportunity offered to the people for a change of parties of such a kind that the victors must give up all idea of a general distribution of the offices among their adherents and the people will joyfully agree to it. The nomination of Cleveland gives this guarantee. His record as chief magistrate of a large city and a great State has made him in the popular mind the totype of a conscientious official, unwavering in principle, and one who, to the deep chagrin of professional politicians, has always held the public interest paramount to party considerations. Mr. Cleveland will certainly use the whole power of the Presidential

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office to purify the federal service, and to keep it pure, and this, above all, is expected by the people of the President. Wherever corruption has taken root he will not, as would be the case with a Republican President, have to exercise leniency, and he will take proper precautions in order that the corruption may not be continued under the Democratic régime. No earthly power will be able to induce him to let corruptionists use the influence of his high office.

His is the well-earned record of a personally pure man and a practical reformer of the public service. With conscientious zeal he watched over the doings of the legislative branch of the State government, and displayed the same conscientious care in scrutinizing and approving its acts. His reputation in this respect is an enviable one. These considerations will have the same wholesome effect in the elections as in the nominating Convention. The circumstances were and are such that a man of this stamp must be brought forward; hence he has been given the preference over the most tried leaders of the party in national politics. No one expects that he will be a partisan leader in national politics, but it is expected that the purification of the public service, which he must undertake as chief of the executive branch of the government, will have a beneficial effect upon the morals of his party as well as upon all branches of the government. It is evident that for this very reason Mr. Cleveland will be the antipode of the Republican candidate for the Presidency. The personal character and record of the Republican nominee are such that they lead to the conclusion that under his administration corruption would be fostered more than ever and would completely poison the public service. The point has been forcibly made in Chicago that Cleveland's strength among the German-Americans is especially great, and this has, as we learn from good sources, contributed essentially toward securing him the nomination. The Germans were recognized in Chicago as a model political element, which holds reform measures paramount over all other considerations and which cannot be made to swerve from this deep rooted opinion by party consideration or that kind of patriotism commonly called State pride. Blaine's personal corruption has principally brought about the decided aversion of the Germans against him, and his identification with the Prohibitionists and Knownothingism has given additional strength to this aversion.

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The Republican party has, since Blaine's nomination, entirely lost the hold it once had on the Germans, which had been greatly weakened after the slavery issue had been disposed of, and especially since the Republican party became a synonym for corruption. Hence, the nomination of Mr. Cleveland will make it especially advisable for the Germans to join en masse the Democratic party. The large Northwestern States, where the Germans have for so many years enabled the Republican party to maintain its power, have, under these circumstancee, become doubtful States, and we may expect a great political revolution in Indiana and Wisconsin, and perhaps even in Illinois.

Appendix.

Thomas Jefferson's Inaugural Address.

The first Democratic President, Thomas Jefferson, in his inaugural address on the 4th of March, 1801, promulgated the fundamental theories of government and constitutional construction, which still constitute the party creed. They should be studied and preserved in the minds and hearts of the people as an ever-living rebuke to the imperial tendencies of the Republican party. They are as follows:

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About to enter, fellow citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper that you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our government, and consequently those which ought to shape its administration. I will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations. "Equal and exact justice to all men of whatever state or persuasion religious or political.

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Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none.

"The support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies.

"The preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad.

"A jealous care of the rights of election by the people—a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided.

“Absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority—the vital principle of republics from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism.

"A well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till the regulars may relieve them.

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'The supremacy of the civil over the military authority.

Economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened.

"The honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith. Encouragement of agriculture and of commerce as its handmaid.

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"The diffusion of information and the arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason.

"Freedom of religion; freedom of the press; freedom of the person under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trials by juries impartially selected.

"These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and the blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creed of our political faith—the text of civil instruction—the touch

stone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which leads alone to peace, liberty, and safety."

William Allen's Definition of Democracy.

The fundamental principles of Democracy were never better stated than by that distinguished leader ex-United States Senator William Allen, of Ohio.

"Democracy is a sentiment not to be appalled, corrupted, or compromised. It knows no baseness; it cowers to no danger; it oppresses no weakness. Fearless, generous and humane, it rebukes the arrogant, cherishes honor, and sympathizes with the humble. It asks nothing but what it concedes; it concedes nothing but what it demands. Destructive only of despotism, it is the sole conservator of liberty, labor and property. It is the sentiment of freedom, of equal rights and equal obligations. It is the law of nature pervading the land. The stupid, the selfish, and the base in spirit may denounce it as a vulgar thing; but in the history of our race, the Democratic principle has developed and illustrated the highest moral and intellectual attributes of our nature. It is a noble, a sublime sentiment which expands our affections, enlarges the circle of our sympathies, and elevates the soul of man, until claiming an equality with the best, it rejects as unworthy of its dignity any political immunities over the humblest of his fellows. Yes, it is an ennobling principle; and may that spirit which animated our revolutionary fathers in their contest for its establishment, continue to animate us, their sons, in the impending struggle for its preservation."

Samuel J. Tilden's Farewell Letter.

NEW YORK, June 10, 1884.

To Daniel Manning, Chairman of the Democratic State Committee of New York:
SIR-In my letter of June 18, 1880, addressed to the delegates from the State of New
York to the Democratic National Convention, I said:

"Having now borne faithfully my full share of labor and care in the public service, and wearing the marks of its burdens, I desire nothing so much as an honorable discharge. I wish to lay down the honors and toils of even quasi party leadership and to seek the repose of private life.

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'In renouncing renomination for the Presidency, I do so with no doubt in my mind as to the vote of the State of New York, or of the United States, but because I believe that it is a renunciation of re-election to the Presidency.

"To those who think my renomination and re-election indispensable to an effectual vindication of the right of the people to elect their rulers, violated in my person, I have accorded as long a reserve of my decision as possible, but I cannot overcome my repugnance to enter into a new engagement which involves four years of ceaseless toil.

"The dignity of the Presidential office is above a merely personal ambition, but it creates in me no illusion. Its value is as a great power for good to the country. I said four years ago, in accepting the nomination :

"Knowing as I do, therefore, from fresh experience how great the difference is between gliding through an official routine and working out a reform of systems and policies, it is impossible for me to contemplate what needs to be done in the Federal administration without an anxious sense of the difficulties of the undertaking.

"If summoned by the suffrages of my countrymen to attempt this work I shall endeavor with God's help to be the efficient instrument of their will.

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