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WAR AND POLITICS IN AMERICA.

Opposition to American participation in the war was, until a short time ago, to be found among the Germans, Russians, and Irishmen resident in the United States. German opposition was made ineffective by the actions of the German Government, and such German sympathizers as now see fit to continue their activities are regarded as the common enemy. Such Russian and Hebrew opposition to the Allies as there was in America has been largely done away with by the fall of the Russian autocracy. Of the three antagonisms to the Allied cause there still remains the so-called Irish influence, which is, in a sense, "within the camp."

The number of Irish in America who are actively, directly or indirectly, in league with Germany through antagonism to England is very small, but the number who feel strongly upon Irish matters is very large. That nearly one-half of the members of the American House of Representatives should sign a memorial to the British Government asking a settlement of the "Irish question" is significant. That many distinguished, influential, and disinterested Americans should express themselves openly and strongly along similar lines is equally so. Many of these appeals to the British Government and many of these expressions urging a settlement of the disturbed relations between the English and the Irish have been published in England, and English comment upon this socalled "interference" has not been entirely friendly. American comment upon what is alleged to be "a purely British internal affair" is resented in some quarters with considerable bitterness.

There can be only one excuse for this, and that is a lack of understanding

and appreciation of the fact that the English-Irish question hardly exceeds in importance to the present world situation the Irish-American question. There are today in the United States 1,400,000 people who were born in Ireland, a number nearly equal to one-third of the present population of Ireland, and there are now in America many more people who were born in Ireland or whose parents or grandparents were born in Ireland than there are now at home in Ireland. The Irish in America have become an active, intelligent, enterprising, and thrifty race. Some of them have risen to the highest political, social, industrial, or financial positions, and nearly all of them or their forbears left Ireland because of conditions or wrongs for which they held the English Government responsible.

In the earlier days of Irish immigration into America these people did the manual work of the country, more especially did they become knights of the pick and shovel, bending their backs to the task of extending the pioneer railways across the American continent. In recent years, however, the Italians have taken their place, and Irish-American energies have sought and found more lucrative fields of activity. The Irish are practical politicians and natural orators. Some years ago the so-called "Irish vote" was considered well worth cultivation by all politicians who sought office. Latterly it has not been so much to the fore because the electorate is now so numerous and so diversified as to racial origin that no one class of voters holds a balance of power, and the Irish vote is swamped in innumerable other voting elements equally powerful as to numbers.

In intelligence and enterprise, how

ever, the Irish community leads the others, and any cause that arouses the sympathy and interest of the IrishAmericans cannot be ignored in politics or the conduct of the Government. It is the desire of the American people that the whole weight of the nation be thrown into the scales in an attempted settlement of the war. The Irishman, genuinely pro-Ally or not, with his soul steeped in the "woes of Ireland" throughout his own generation and those preceding him, sees in the present need of England a chance to further the cause of his native land. He may be strongly pro-Ally, and most of them are, but he is not averse to using American intervention in the war as a lever upon the British Government.

For this reason certain Irish forces have been at work to hamper the American Government and to delay important action, asking, in return for complete acquiescence in a vigorous war program, that pressure be brought to bear towards the fulfilment of Irish ambitions. When, therefore, an American of other than Irish extraction expresses the hope that some solution of the Irish question may soon be found, it is not that he has any thought of impertinent interference in IrishEnglish affairs, but that he is seeking a solution of his own problems of government and casting about to remove all opposition to swift and effective action on the part of the United States in the cause against Germany.

The manner in which a settlement of the Irish question shall be brought about by the British Government is a matter of no concern to America excepting in its possible reflex action upon the Irish-American situation, which while not acute is always troublesome, and at this particular time affects the Allies unfavorably in America. These remarks apply to the

vast majority of the American Irish. With the small but active revolutionary Irish influence that makes its headquarters in America the people of the United States have little patience and no sympathy. In the natural course of events the promoters thereof will be dealt with as alien enemies, for in effect they are outspoken allies of Germany as against the country now giving them sheiter. It is not the influence of these men that inspires American hope for a settlement of the Irish-English controversy, for it is as well understood in America as in England that no settlement which could be brought about would be considered as satisfactory by the Irish extremists. If the British Government can hit upon some plan that will satisfy the majority of the Irish and be accepted by them as a reasonable solution of existing troubles, the extreme Irish revolutionaries would have no excuse for their activities and could and would be looked upon in America as enemies of the United States.

For the reason given American interest in the Irish question bears no likeness to an interference in the internal affairs of another nation. English resentment has even gone so far as to ask how America would like it if the English people made suggestions concerning what is called in England "the American negro problem." Allowing for the sake of argument that there was such a problem, the Allies would have a perfect right to express to the American Government that some attempt be made to solve the problem-if such a problem hindered in any way the carrying on of the war, or if there were several million negroes in England voting or otherwise agitating against or obstructing pro-American action. The two situations are not on all fours.

For the information and comfort of those who fear trouble in America from the negroes let it be said that, in the first place, there is no real negro problem in the United States such as has existed in the imagination of Europe for a long time past, and, in the second place, that the negroes of the United States are pro-American and as such are now doing service for the Allies on the farms and in the workshops, and when the time comes they will be found in the army in just proportion as they are comprised in the total population. Some of them are already fighting in France. A number of regiments in the regular army of the United States are composed solely of negroes, many have volunteered since America came into the war, and in the end enforced service will apply to them the same as it will to the whites. The American negro has already proved himself to be a good soldier, and if given the opportunity will win new laurels in the present war. The present racial conditions in America owing to the war are that, if called upon to name the greatest problems of government yet to be solved by the American people, it is doubtful whether an intelligent citizen familiar with all parts of his native land would find a place among them for the so-called "negro problem."

Since the declaration of war against Germany, international politics have almost completely taken the place of local issues in the minds of the Ameriean people and in the proceedings of the Government, both legislative and executive. Participation in the war has, of course, eliminated the proGerman from public life in that he must now keep his opinions to himself, and if in public life he must at least make a show of patriotism. The anti-Russians have also been deprived of their thunder. The anti-British,

with the exception of a few Irish extremists, have been compelled to modify their tone, and their fulminations are now confined to what America must stand for in the peace negotiations to come. The Irish question has not been made a real issue, but its discussion has occupied much valuable time and indirectly has served as a drag on the wheels of progress towards preparedness. This has been abetted by all those who are opposed to the United States taking a really active part in the war and to the sending of an American army to France.

But the vivid appeal made by Marshal Joffre and others of the Allied missions for the appearance of the Stars and Stripes upon French soil proved irresistible to many who at first doubted the wisdom of such an expedition before an army of at least a million men was brought together, trained and equipped.

The attitude of the experts of the American War Department can easily be understood, for upon their shoulders falls the burden of preparation for a long war, and they are well aware of the enormous labor involved in training, equipping, and transporting even four divisions from the United States to Europe and of keeping up the necessary supplies of men, food, and material; for the American army abroad would have to be on its own to avoid increasing the strain upon the resources of the Allies in Europe. All of this work must be carried on while the American army at home is in the making.

There is an idea behind the proposed expeditionary force, however, that in the carrying out might be worth a great deal to the nation. Its arrival in Europe would hearten the Allies, depress the people of the Central Powers, and strengthen amazingly the tie between America and her fighting partners. It would bring

the war home to the American people with greater force than could anything else, and in this direction alone it would be well worth the sending; for there is still some feeling of unreality about American participation to many Americans.

The new Army Bill, not yet completed at this writing, provides for enforced military service by selective draft. The military age is from twenty-one to thirty years, and the United States Government will have ten million men between these ages to draw upon for military purposes. In the meantime recruiting for the Services already in existence has been proceeding. One-third of the men authorized as an increase in the regular army have been secured, and the enlistments for the navy are well up to requirements. In view of the fact that conscription will come into force in a few weeks, it is to be expected that volunteers will not be as numerous as if the country was going to depend entirely for its army upon that source, and no strenuous campaign to secure voluntary enlistments will be undertaken.

The reception given to the Allied missions has surpassed all expectations, and the members of those missions have risen splendidly to the occasion. Mr. Balfour was at once taken to the heart of a nation of people who have long admired and honored him for his deeds and accomplishments. In all he has said. and done he has justified their previous convictions, and he leaves America better known and standing higher in American opinion and regard than any visitor from a foreign land in modern times. With the departure of the Allied missions from America the congratulatory stage of the war, so far as America is concerned, may be said to have passed, and sterner business is now in hand. It is realized

by those upon whom responsibility falls that action cannot follow too quickly. The navy, naturally always prepared, is aiready at work upon the high seas. No time has been lost in the fields of finance and industry or in giving to the Government such extraordinary powers as are necessary in war time. Some of the powers asked for by the Government have been refused by Congress, such as complete control over the Press, but such legitimate objects as are to be achieved can probably be secured under the ordinary military power of a Government at war. There has been little direct trouble with enemy aliens since the declaration of war, though enemy influence has been apparent in action taken to influence legislation. It is believed that the German Government is restraining its hand against Americans, both in the United States and in Germany, in the hope that in good time the Washington Government may lend a more willing ear to peace proposals. So marked has been this evidence of German restraint that from it have already sprung many peace rumors. These became SO persistent during the month of May that a semi-official statement from Washington was considered advisable to the effect that any peace proposals made to America would be referred to the Allies for final disposal. It may be expected that this sort of thing will continue with variations until peace finally comes, but as nothing as yet suggested from Berlin touches upon the issues that carried America into the war, the idea of an early peace may be dismissed from the mind. It has been the effort of President Wilson and others prominent in American public life to impress upon the American people the extreme probability of a war that may last for some time to come, and this effort has been ably seconded by Mr. Balfour, Marshal

Joffre, and, in fact, by all the members of the Allied missions visiting America.

The people of the United States have responded to the calls made upon them by the Allies with promptness and in the order of their urgency. Money was asked for first and it was at once forthcoming. The request for assistance in combating submarine warfare was answered with alacrity. Naval aid, cargo ships, inventive genius, and industrial accomplishment were at once concentrated on the problem, and the results will soon be forthcoming. Among other burdens assumed by America has been the financing of the relief work in Belgium and Northern France. Nine regiments of engineers are being sent immediately to the French lines. Several thousand medical men are on their way to France and to England. These are but a few of the evidences afforded that America has taken her place with right good will in the ranks of those who are determined to force upon the German Government the meaning of a world array against it. The greatest task of all, the raising of a vast army trained and equipped for modern war, is in its inception, but in time it will have its being, and if the war be not at an end before that day America will send reinforcements to the firing-line that must and will largely aid in setting a date for the return of peace to a war-weary and stricken world.

There is already criticism by the American people and Press of the methods of the Washington Government, and this is but the beginning. There are stormy times ahead for those in authority, as there have been The Fortnightly Review.

stormy times in the past two years for all those who have conducted the affairs of the nations of Europe. Both evil and good may come out of such criticism. It is the lives and the money of the people that are jeopardized through mismanagement, and those who give have the right to demand wisdom in expenditure. Ministers come and Ministers go, generals are acclaimed and generals are retired, some with honors and some without, but the war goes on, and the political fate of no one man or no Government is of importance as against the shortening of the war by a single hour. President Wilson has been severely criticised in the past, but what he has undergone in the past will be as a summer zephyr compared to the blasts that will rage about him as America gets deeper into the conflict and the mistakes or incapacities of those about him are charged to his account.

It is a political axiom in America that a war makes a President. President Taylor was the result of the Mexican War, Grant of the Civil War, and Roosevelt, indirectly, of the war against Spain. Who will become President of the United States as an outcome of the war against Germany is unwritten history as yet. The obvious prophecy would be Roosevelt, and in this idea is to be found the mainspring of much of the political opposition to a Roosevelt expeditionary army. Much water will run under the mill before these things are determined, however, and in the meantime the world is occupied with a gigantic task before which all others fade into insignificance.

James Davenport Whelpley.

SIDELIGHTS ON THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION.

I was fortunate enough to be in Russia with the Anglo-Russian Hos

pital for eighteen months previous to the Revolution, and during that time

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