pretensions; no nation can agree, at the mere will or interest of another, to have its peaceable industry suspended and its citizens reduced to idleness and want. The loss of our produce destined for foreign markets, or that loss which would result from an arbitrary restraint of our markets, is a tax too serious for us to acquiesce in. It is not enough for a nation to say we and our friends will buy your produce. We have a right to answer that it suits us better to sell to their enemies as well as their friends. Our ships do not go to France to return empty. They go to exchange the surplus of one produce which we can spare for surpluses of other kinds which they can spare and we want; which they furnish on better terms, and more to our mind, than Great Britain or her friends.

We have a right to judge for ourselves what market best suits us and they have none to forbid to us the enjoyment of the necessaries and comforts which we may obtain from any other independent country.

This act, too, tends directly to draw us from that state of peace in which we are wishing to remain. It is an essential character of neutrality to furnish no aids (not stipulated by treaty) to one party which we are not equally ready to furnish to the other. If we permit corn to be sent to Great Britain and her friends, we are equally bound to permit it to France. To restrain it would be a partiality which might lead to a war with France, and between restraining it ourselves and permitting her enemies to restrain it unrightfully is not difference. She would consider this as a mere pretext, of which she would not be the dupe; and on what honorable ground could we otherwise explain it? Thus we should see ourselves plunged by this unauthorized act of Great Britain into a war with which we meddle not, and which we wish to avoid if justice to all parties and from all parties will enable us to avoid it. In the case where we found ourselves obliged by treaty to withhold from the enemies of France the right of arming in our ports, we thought ourselves in justice bound to withhold the same right from France also, and we did it.

Were we to withhold from her (France) supplies of provisions, we should in like manner be bound to withhold them from her enemies also, and thus shut to ourselves all the ports of Europe where corn is in demand or make ourselves parties in the war. This is a dilemma which Great Britain has no right to force upon us, and for which no pretext can be found in any part of our conduct. She may, indeed, feel the desire of starving an enemy nation, but she can have no right of doing it at our loss nor of making us the instruments of it.

The President therefore desires that you will immediately enter into explanations on this subject with the British government. Lay before them in friendly and temperate terms all the demonstrations of the injury done us by this act, and

endeavor to obtain a revocation of it and full indemnification to any citizens of these states who may have suffered by it in the meantime. Accompany your representations by every assurance of our earnest desire to live on terms of the best friendship and harmony with them and to found our expectations of justice on their part on a strict observance of it on

ours.

It is with concern, however, I am obliged to observe that so marked has been the inattention of the British court to every application which has been made to them on any subject by this government (not a single answer I believe having ever been given to one of them, except in the act of exchanging a minister), that it may become unavoidable, in certain cases, where an answer of some sort is necessary, to consider their silence as an answer. Perhaps this is their intention. Still, however, desirous of furnishing no color of offense, we do not wish you to name to them any term for giving an answer. Urge one as much as you can without commitment, and on the first day of December be so good as to give us information of the state in which this matter is, that it may be received during the session of Congress. . .

Whether these explanations with the British government shall be verbal or in writing, is left to yourself. Verbal communications are very insecure; for it is only to deny them or to change their terms, in order to do away their effect at any time. Those in writing have as many and obvious advantages, and ought to be preferred, unless there be obstacles of which we are not apprized.

I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem, dear sir, your most obedient servant.

MINORITY REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON MERCHANT MARINE OF THE UNITED STATES CHAMBER OF COMMERCE, FAVORING THE SHIP PURCHASE BILL

I dissent from the views of the majority of this Committee, and approve of the Ship Purchase Bill now before Congress. The emergency is such that the ordinary arguments against the government entering the field of private business do not apply.

The emergency is the re-establishment, or the maintenance, of our trade communication with neutral and belligerent European countries which are our chief markets and sources of supply.

I conceive that the chief task confronting us today is to

uphold, as against all belligerents, the rights of our merchants to the peaceful pursuit of commerce of all sorts, uninterrupted excepting for contraband of war sent to belligerents. This is the principle for which this country has fought successfully at recent international conferences.

This principle is being increasingly violated by belligerents in the present war. I apprehend that vessels owned by the United States Government will have a standing that will compel respect by all belligerents. There can be no question of the good faith in which they were purchased, no matter what the source. It can be guaranteed that they carry no contraband. All excuse for interfering with the commerce they carry will be removed.

As a theory, government ownership of merchant vessels is wrong. As a measure to meet the present economic emergency, it is justified and right.

February 1, 1915.

(Signed) E. J. CLAPP.

DECLARATION WHICH AMERICAN ASSOCIATE MEMBERS OF THE LIVERPOOL COTTON EXCHANGE WERE ASKED TO SIGN

DECLARATION

I,

of

an Associate Member of the Liverpool Cotton Association, do solemnly and sincerely declare that neither I nor my firm nor any partner in the same nor any branch house or other firm or firms in which I or any one of my partners may be directly or indirectly pecuniarily interested will trade or have dealings with any person or a member or representative of any firm or person domiciled or carrying on business in any state at present at war with His Britannic Majesty until such time as peace may have been declared, and I further undertake when trading with subjects of neutral countries to make all necessary enquiries in order to satisfy myself as to the ultimate destination of the goods and that none of them are intended for consumption in or for transit through any state at war with His Majesty.

RECORD OF BRITISH DETENTIONS OF AMERICAN COPPER EXPORTS TO NEUTRALS, AUTUMN, 1914

BRITISH DETENTIONS OF COPPER DESTINED FOR ITALY,
OCTOBER TO NOVEMBER, 1914

COPPER AGREEMENT BETWEEN UNITED STATES EXPORTERS AND BRITISH ADMIRALTY

Copper from United States of America to Neutral Countries

"Whilst His Majesty's Government are at present, so far as they are able, preventing any copper from reaching their enemies, they have no desire to interfere in any way with the sales of the United States copper producers to purchasers in neutral countries which are willing to guarantee that the copper which they import is for the consumption of those neutral countries.

"If the United States producers would be willing to co-operate, His Majesty's Government will not interfere with their copper shipments to those neutral countries which have placed copper on their prohibition list, and whose prohibitions of export are found to be effective.

"Whilst His Majesty's Government cannot abandon in any way their right to search vessels, they will be quite willing to allow to proceed to its destination all copper which is to be sold only to named consumers, and not to merchants, dealers or forwarding agents, in such neutral countries as have placed copper and articles manufactured mainly of copper on their list of prohibited exports, provided that a copy of the contract of sale is sent to the director of the Trade Division at the Admiralty, and it shall contain a clause to the effect that neither the copper itself nor any of its products shall be exported. Such copper upon arriving at its destination shall be put into warehouse, so that it cannot afterwards be declared in transit. The bill of lading must show clearly the name of the actual consumer, or of a recognized London merchant, or the name of a banker who shall be approved by His Majesty's Government.

"It is agreed that the undersigned will not export copper to Sweden, Norway, Denmark or Italy, except in compliance with, and subject to, the conditions of Article 3 hereof, and that it (the undersigned company) will not export copper to other neutral countries except subject to permit of British Admiralty.

"Shipments of copper to Great Britain or her allies may be made without restriction.

"All sale contracts for neutral countries to be forwarded to the British Admiralty, either through its London representatives or through His Britannic Majesty's Consul at the port of New York.

"Shipments of copper against contracts entered into previous to the signing of this agreement and any existing f. o. b. contracts are exempt from its provisions.

"We will be prepared to conform to the different provisions