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was cleared for the collision of the rebellion and the federal government.

I well know that this opinion, like many others I have expressed, will meet with decided and wide-spread contradiction. I think, however, that I may consider it as the best fruit of my labors during the twenty-three years which have elapsed since I began my studies for this work, that their results have met not only with rich recognition, but also with abundant and violent opposition. Contradiction and acquiescence have stimulated us to efforts of varying intensity, to which we are indebted for the amplification, clarification and deepening in many ways of our historical knowledge. And I have reason to hope that my book has not yet ceased to be a working force in this respect.

This is the main ground of my confidence that those without whose powerful assistance I could not have begun it, and still less continued and completed it, will not regret the help they gave me. Although I know best myself wherein and how far I have fallen below the desirable, I hesitate all the less to say this much without any reserve, as, while I again give public expression to my warmest gratitude for aid received, I venture to beg all to bear in mind that the shortcomings of my work, whatever they may be, cannot be ascribed exclusively to a lack of ability. The Prussian Academy of Sciences and the government of Baden were able to afford me the possibility of completing the book by their munificent liberality in placing at my disposal the means to undertake, for the purpose of study, a journey to the United States in the year 1878-79, and to sojourn repeatedly in London. But they were not able to alter in the least the fact that an essential precondition of a satisfactory solution of the problem was a constant and intimate association with the intellectual life of the American nation in its living, progressive development in all its phases and in

A

AN OPEN LETTER.

its every direction; and this precondition could not, in the nature of things, be fulfilled to the extent required and in the right way, in a university of southern Germany and in a city of medium size. Under any circumstances, the difference between what my ability and my desire would have been is very clear; but the fact that I was obliged to work under conditions which in many and important respects were by no means favorable will not be left entirely out of consideration by those who would pass a just judgment upon the result of my labors.

With my most cordial thanks,

Devotedly yours,

HERMANN VON HOLST.

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THE ELECTION OF SPEAKER OF THE THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS.

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Mason Moves the Appointment of a Committee of Investigation.—
Trumbull's Answer.- Fessenden's and Chandler's Declarations.--
Effects of the Republican Counter-blows.- The Electoral Battles

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of 1859. Condition of Parties in New York.- The State Elections
of the 8th of November in New York and New Jersey. - Demo-
cratic Policy of Intimidation.-Situation of Parties in the House
of Representatives.-The First Passage at Arms in the Election
for Speaker, and Clark's Resolution.- Effect of the Blow on the
Signers of the Recommendation of Helper's "Crisis.”—The Re-
publicans Between Hammer and Anvil. — Clark's Speech.- An-
swer of the "Americans" Through Gilmer.- Millson's Speech.—
Sherman's Speech.― Situation and Attitude of the Republicans.-
Negative Result of the Debate. - Announcement of the Admin-
istration Party Through Pryor. — Characterization of the Further
Debates.- Futile Attempt of the Democrats to Gain Their End by
a Change of Candidates.- Buchanan Sends his Message to Con-
gress. Its Reference to a Revolution in a Constitutional Form.—
Other Contents of the Message and its Reception by Public Opin-
ion.-Winslow's Conference Committee. - Resolutions of the Com-
mittee in the House.- The Committee's Secret Programme.- The
McQueen Agreement.- Brown's Resolution in the Senate.-The
Vote of the 26th of January for the Whig, W. N. H. Smith.-
Pennington's Election.- Criticism of the Result

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