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7 Treafon and murder ever kept together,
As two yoak-devils fworn to either's purpose,
* Working fo grofly in a natural cause,

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That admiration did not whoop at them.
But thou, 'gainst all proportion, didft bring in
Wonder to wait on treason, and on murder;
And whatfoever cunning fiend it was,
That wrought upon thee fo prepoft'rously,
Hath got the voice in hell for excellence;
And other devils, that fuggeft by-treasons,
Do botch and bungle up damnation,

With patches, colours, and with forms being fetcht
From glift'ring femblances of piety,

But he, that temper'd thee, bade thee ftand up;
Gave thee no inftance why thou shouldft do treason,
Unless to dub thee with the name of traitor.
If that fame Dæmon, that hath gull'd thee thus,
Should with his Lion-gait walk the whole world,
He might return to vafty Tartar back,
And tell the legions, I can never win
A foul fo eafy as that Englishman's.

Oh, how haft thou with jealoufy infected

The fweetness of affiance! Shew men dutiful?
Why fo didft thou. Or feem they grave and learn'd?
Why fo didft thou. Come they of noble family?

7 Treafon and murder What follows to the end of this fpeech is additional fince the first edition.

POPE.

8 Working fo grofly] Grof ly for commonly, which the Oxford Editor not understanding, alters it to clafely. WARBURT. Grofly is neither cioely nor commonly, but palpably; with a plain and visible connexion of caufe and effect.

9 He that temper'd thee] Though temper'd may ftand for formed or moulded, yet I fancy

tempted was the authour's word, for it answers better to suggest in the oppofition.

Oh, how haft thru with jea loufy infected The Sweetness of affiance?] Shakespeare urges this aggravation of the guilt of treachery with great judgment. One of the worst confequences of breach of truft is the diminution of that confidence which makes the hap piness of life, and the diffemination of fufpicion, which is the poifon of fociety.

Why

Why fo didft thou. Seem they religious?
Why fo didst thou. Or are they fpare in diet,
Free from grofs paffion or of mirth, or anger,
Conftant in fpirit, not fwerving with the blood,
* Garnish'd and deck'd in modeft compliment,
* Not working with the eye without the ear,
And but in purged judgment trufting neither?
Such, and fo finely boulted didft thou feem.
And thus thy fall hath left a kind of blot,
To mark the full-fraught man, the best endu'd,

2 Garnish'd and deck'd in modeft complement.] Modejt complement, that is, fulness. WARBURTON. This note will not much help the reader, unlefs he knows to what fulness is to be applied. I take the meaning to be this. The King, having mentioned Scroop's temperance in diet, paffes on to his decency in drefs, and fays that he was decked in modeft complement; that is, he was decorated with ornaments, but fuch as might be worn without vain oftentation. Complement means fomething more than is neceffary; fo complement in language is what we fay ad conciliandam gratiam, more than is ftrictly or literally meant.

3 Not working with the eye without the ear, He is here giving the character of a compleat gentleman, and says, he did not truft the eye without the confirmation of his ear. But when men have eye-fight proof, they think they have fufficient evidence, and don't stay for the confirmation of an hear-fay. Prudent men, on the contrary, won't trust the credit of the ear, till it be confirmed by the demonftration of

the eye. And this is that conduct for which the king would here commend him. So that we must read,

Not working with the ear, but with the eye. WARBURTON. The authour's meaning I fhould have thought not fo difficult to find, as that an emendation fhould have been proposed. The king means to fay of Scroop, that he was a cautious man, who knew that fronti nulla fides, that a fpecious appearance was deceitful, and therefore did not work with the eye without the ear, did not truft the air or look of any man till he had tried him by enquiry and converfation. Surely this is the character of a prudent man.

4-and fo finely boulted did

thou Jeem,- i. e. refined or purged from all faults. POPE. Boulted is the fame with fifted, and has confequently the meaning of refined.

s To MAKE the full-fraught man,-] We fhould read, To MARK the full-fraught man. i, e. marked by the blot he speaks of in the preceding line.

WARBURTON.

With fome fufpicion. I will weep for thee.
For this revolt of thine, methinks, is like
-Their faults are open;

Another fall of man.

Arreft them to the answer of the law,

And God acquit them of their practices!

Exe. I arreft thee of high treafon, by the name of Richard Earl of Cambridge.

I arreft thee of high treafon, by the name of Henry Lord Scroop of Masham.

I arreft thee of high treafon, by the name of Thomas Grey, Knight of Northumberland.

Scroop. Our purposes God juftly hath discover'd, And I repent my fault, more than my death, Which I beseech your Highnefs to forgive, Although my body pay the price of it.

Cam. For me, the gold of France did not feduce, Although I did admit it as a motive The fooner to effect what I intended; But God be thanked for prevention, Which I in fuff'rance heartily rejoice for, Befeeching God and you to pardon me.

Grey. Never did faithful fubject more rejoice At the discovery of moft dangerous treason, Than I do at this hour joy o'er myself, Prevented from a damned enterprize.

My fault, but not my body, pardon, Sovereign. K. Henry. God quit you in his mercy! Hear your fentence.

You have confpir'd against our royal perfon,

Join'd with an enemy proclaim'd, and from his coffers Receiv'd the golden earneft of our death,

6 One of the confpirators against Queen Elizabeth, I think Parry, concludes his letter to her with thefe words, a culpa, but not a pœna; abfolve me most dear Lady. This letter was much read at that time, and the au

thour doubtlefs copied it.

This whole fcene was much enlarged and improved after the firit edition; the particular infertions it would be tedious to mention, and tedious without much ufe.

Wherein

Wherein you would have fold your King to flaughter,
His Princes and his Peers to fervitude,

His fubjects to oppreffion and contempt,
And his whole kingdom into defolation.
Touching, our perfon, feek we no revenge;
But we our kingdom's fafety must so tender,
Whofe ruin you three fought, that to her laws
We do deliver you. Go therefore hence,
Poor miferable wretches, to your death;
The tafte whereof God of his mercy give
You patience to endure, and true Repentance
Of all your dear offences!-Bear them hence. [Exeunt,
-Now, Lords, for France; the enterprize whereof
Shall be to you, as us, like glorious.

We doubt not of a fair and lucky war,
Since God fo graciously hath brought to light
This dangerous treafon lurking in our way,
To hinder our beginning. Now we doubt not,
But every rub is smoothed in our way.
Then forth, dear countrymen; let us deliver
Our puiffance into the hand of God,

Putting it ftraight in expedition.

Chearly to fea. The figns of war advance;

No King of England, if not King of France. [Exeunt,

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Changes to Quickly's house in Eaftcheap.

Enter Piftol, Nim, Bardolph, Boy and Quickly.

Quick.

R'ythee, honey-fweet husband, let me bring

PRY

thee to Staines.

Pift. No, for my manly heart doth yern.

Bardolph, be blith. Nim, rouze thy vaunting vein. Boy, briftle thy courage up; for Falstaff he is dead, And we muft yern therefore.

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Bard. Would I were with him wherefome'er he is, either in heaven or in hell.

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Quick. Nay, fure, he's not in hell; he's in Arthur's bofom, if ever man went to Arthur's bofom. He made a 'finer end, and went away, an it had been any chrisom child. A' parted even juft between twelve and one, even at the turning o'th' tide. For after I faw him fumble with the fheets, and play with flowers, and fmile upon his finger's end, I knew there was but one way; for his nofe was as fharp as a pen, and a' babled of green fields. How now, Sir John? quoth I; what, man? be of good cheer. So a' cried out, God, God, God, three or four times. Now I, to comfort him, bid him, a' should not think of God;

7 Finer end, for final.

8 Turning th' tide.] It has & been a very old opinion, which Mead, de imperio felis, quotes, as if he believed it, that nobody dies but in the time of ebb; half the deaths in London confute the notion, but we find that it was common among the women of the poet's time.

9 for his nofe was as sharp as a pen, and a table of green-fields.]. Thefe words, and a table of greenfields, are not to be found in the old editions of 1600 and 1608. This nonfenfe got into all the following editions by a pleafant miftake of the ftage editors, who printed from the common piece-meal-written parts in the play-house. A table was here directed to be brought in (it being a scene in a tavern where they drink at parting) and this direction crept into the text from the margin. Greenfield was the name of the property-man in that time who furnish'd implements, &c. for the actors, A table of Greenfield's. POPE.

So reasonable an account of

this blunder Mr. Theobald would not acquiefce in. He thought a table of Greenfield's part of the text, only corrupted, and that it fhould be read, he babled of green fields, becaufe men do fo in the ravings of a calenture. But he did not confider how ill this agrees with the nature of the Knight's illness, who was now in no babling humour: and fo far from wanting cooling in green fields, that his feet were cold, and he juft expiring. WARB.

Upon this paffage Mr. Theobald has a note that fills a page, which I omit in pity to my readers, fince he only endeavours to prove, what I think every reader perceives to be true, that at this time no table could be wanted. Mr. Pope, in an appendix to his own edition in 12mo, feems to admit Theobald's emendation, which we would have allowed to be uncommonly happy, had we not been prejudiced against it by a conjecture with which, as it excited merriment, we are loath to part.

I hop'd

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