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trovertible maxim, and indelibly impressed upon the national character by an uniform practice, that smoking is the highest felicity next to sleeping; but that death, if it be an undisturbed insensibility, must be bliss above all comparison.

In civilized society, indolence is with the greatest propriety classed among the most dangerous vices, because civilization having increased the wants of every individual, a greater degree of labour is requisite for their supply, and consequently necessary to self-preservation, as well as the well-being of the community. The natural aversion from labour, however, is still manifested by the school-boy, amid his murmuring repugnance to application in his studies, and exhibited in a greater or less degree accordingly as his education has been judicious or the contrary, when he is removed to the more busy scenes of active life; nor is the aversion ever eradicated, except by the fear of a greater evil than labour, or by the prospect of advantages deemed sufficient to compensate its evils. From this reasoning, it appears to be a fact almost indubitable, that the love of labour, as well as every other affection, is acquired by associating it with advantages, till at length the habit forms so essential a part of the individual, that it is necessary to his existence, and is

generally contemplated as his natural character, independently of acquisition.

This fact being established, the application of it to the diversity of circumstances in human life, or as the proposition may be stated with more perspicuity, the necessity of comparative poverty and indigence in civilized society, is obvious. Want, or that which is equally powerful, the dread of want, is absolutely necessary to supply a motive for action, or to rouse the human powers to exertion. It would be easy to demonstrate, that this principle pervades all classes of the community, and exerts its influence upon every rank in society in the lowest classes of labourers the dread of wanting the mere necessaries of life; in the class above them, its comforts; and in the highest rank, its superfluities; supplies the motive for exertion, and operates till it vanishes in the love of labour. To pursue these speculations might be ingenious and perhaps useful: but since they are inconsistent with my present design, I resign them to my readers as materials for thinking.

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Poverty, like wealth, exists only by comparison; and it is, for this reason, difficult if not impossible to determine where one begins or the other ends, independently of the mind of the possessor

of wealth, or the subject of poverty. There is, however, a point where absolute poverty commences, and that is when its victim is destitute of the necessaries of life. Between this point and a competency derived from labour there are several degrees, aud from this rank in society the class of mere manual labourers is supplied. Is it not also equally true that the offenders against the laws, and the victims of public justice, are generally from this class in society? Is this connexion merely accidental, or, is laxity of principle in respect to property inseparable from this state of possible absolute poverty? Is it not worthy the inquiry of an enlightened legislature which proposes to promote the prosperity of society, by the prevention of crimes rather than by the sacrifice of criminals, what will probably be the moral character of the offspring of parents so circumstanced? Man is the creature of habit, and his character is necessarily the result of the circumstances in which he is placed. It is more than probable, therefore, that a perfect change of their respective circumstances in infancy and in youth, would have placed the criminal upon the bench, and the judge at the bar. No philosophy can supply a reason for clemency haif so cogent. A survey of the conduct of every legislature

leaves us to regret, that so little has been done for the prevention of crimes, except by punishing them when committed. I am of opinion, that if the sums which have been spent in erecting and supporting prisons, had been appropriated to schools for the education of the people in sound morality, and the expenses attendant upon the punition of criminals, applied to the salaries of able teachers, the morals of the lower class would have rendered the criminal code almost useless. And until some such plan be adopted, it will require much sophistry to convince an impartial and thinking mind, that it is just to deprive a man of life for an action it was morally impossible he could avoid committing. But whatever may be the sentiments of my readers upon this highly important question it will scarcely admit of controversy, that diversity of circumstances is unavoidable in the condition of man, and that some degree of degradation in the moral character is inseparable from uneducated indigence.

L.

THE PONDERER. No. 5.

Supposititus odi.

"It was always my idea that an historian should feel himself a witness giving evidence upon oath." ROBERTSON.]

SIR,

TO THE PONDERER.

THE learned Pinkerton, in an early and anonymous publication, entitled "Letters of Literature," has endeavoured to defend, with his customary ingenuity, a species of imposition denominated "literary forgery," which I, who perhaps am gifted with a more saturnine and frigid constitution, cannot but regard as highly injurious, not only to the literary but moral interests of society. On its effects, however, upon the latter, on the evils it may produce or the miseries it may entail by prompting the youthful mind to a trial of ability in a more dangerous field of action, as necessity may urge or penury impel, I shall at present refrain from commenting, and, by confining myself to the former, check the smile of derision which already may be half-formed at my imaginary fears and needless precautions.

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