which could be read in one way by one set of men and in another way by another set of men. When I urged the necessity of keeping true to our principles and preserving an anti-monopoly party which anti-monopolists could trust, his reply was that this was ideal, but that I should remember that these delegates wanted offices.

The Committee on Resolutions remained in session until three the next morning. The next day one of its members an unquestionably sincere silver man, who nevertheless opposed the insertion of an unequivocal silver plank-gave me an account of its proceedings. The real battle of the Convention was fought in this Committee. The arguments of George Fred Williams, of Massachusetts, and Senator Tillman, of South Carolina, supported by the diplomacy of ex-Governor Stone, of Missouri, barely prevented a decision that would have been a confession to the world that the Democratic machine supported no principles when party expediency stood in the way. Even these men, said my informant, with some bitterness toward Mr. Bryan, could not have secured their final majority of two votes had it not been for telegrams from Mr. Bryan to two members of the Committee, stating that he would not accept the nomination unless the platform contained an explicit declaration for the free coinage of silver. Even in the morning, when the majority had decided to yield to Mr. Bryan, instead of "saving him from himself," there was still the belief that a minority report would be presented to the Convention, and fear that the numerical strength of several of the delegations opposed to silver would secure the adoption of the minority report. Ex-Senator Hill, who the day before had predicted that no silver plank would be inserted, was now predicting that the minority report would be presented, but when the Convention met on Thursday afternoon he had lost in this fight also, through the consciousness of the delegates that their constituents demanded Mr. Bryan and the principles for which he stood, and that as Mr. Bryan would not yield they must.

The single concession made to the conservatives grew out of the recognition by Mr. Bryan's friends that the burning issue of this campaign-the issue that must be

settled the coming November-was that of Imperialism. This concession of Mr. Bryan's representatives was seized upon by one of his Eastern supporters whose constituency did not favor a silver plank as affording a way out of the difficulty. A platform was drafted in which the belief of the whole Committee that Imperialism was the supreme issue was made the keynote of the document. The reading of the resolutions was given to Senator Tillman, and the scene was in the most vivid contrast to that at Philadelphia when the Republican resolutions were read. There delegates left the hall during the reading of the party's principles. Here the whole audience of fifteen thousand, every one of whom was reached by Senator Tillman's penetrating voice, followed the platform with intense interest. When he finished the long plank, reasserting, like the Republican platforms of 1856 and '60, the consecration of this Nation to the principles of the Declaration of Independence, and declaring the issue of Imperialism to be "paramount in this campaign, a cheer went up which lasted half an hour, and all that time was a cheer that came from the, hearts of the people. Flags were distributed all over the hall, bearing upon them the words, "The Constitution and the flag, one and inseparable." The delegates and the audience, and the audience more than the delegates, cheered from their hearts because the principles enunciated were those that had given birth to popular liberty in this country and all over the world.

At this point the Convention reached its climax. There was another great cheer, of course, when Mr. Bryan was nominated, but when the Convention kept it up for half an hour after my own disposition to cheer had been satisfied, I could not help thinking it the result of effort rather than emotion. As a Republican friend remarked, "When men have known that something was going to take place for months they do not naturally yell for half an hour when it does take place." There was, however, this evening one cheer that was significant. The fourth speaker who came to the platform during the call of States to second the nomination of Mr. Bryan was ex-Senator Hill, of New York, and his speech, which was a model of tactful expression, was received with the

His decla

most unbounded enthusiasm. ration that Mr. Bryan was the choice of the whole Democratic party, and that the principles enunciated would receive the support of every member of a reunited party, brought a perfect storm of applause. The next morning when the nomination took place the Hill enthusiasm again broke forth. The candidate favored by the more earnest supporters of the spirit of the new democracy was Charles A. Towne, of Minnesota, who, without question, was the man of the finest intellect, the finest culture, the finest character, and the finest abilities as a popular orator of all the men presented at the Convention. In nearly every delegation, except the few that were composed exclusively of anti-silver politicians, Mr. Towne had friends, and the only two objections urged against him were that he came from west of the Mississippi, and that he was not a Democrat, but instead was a Silver Republican who had been nominated by the Populists. To the Southerners, especially, the fact that Mr. Towne had once been a Republican was a telling argument against him, and, except in South Carolina, he had few friends in that quarter. Nevertheless, he was the hero of the anti-monopolists, who swarmed the galleries, and was recognized by those who care for character and ability most as the supremely fit associate for Mr. Bryan on the ticket. When he was named there was a great cheer, lasting ten minutes, which was general everywhere except among the delegates. When ex-Vice-President Stevenson was nominated the cheer from the audience was faint, but from the delegates it was strong, but when Senator Hill was placed in nomination the cheer was tremendous from both the delegates and the audience, and lasted more than a quarter of an hour. Nearly the whole body of delegates was at some time or another on the floor to express its readiness to take Senator Hill. When the applause subsided Senator Hill took the platform and declined the honor in words that convinced the mass of the delegates that he wished to decline. After his declination, the delegates, who were bent on doing the practical thing and reuniting the old party, even at a sacrifice of the best spirit of the new, turned almost with one accord to ex-Vice-President Steven

son.

The result of it all was that Mr. Stevenson was nominated on the first ballot, receiving almost six times as many votes as were given to Mr. Towne.

The Silver Republican Convention had nominated Mr. Bryan with enthusiasm more heartfelt than that of the Democratic Convention, but when it learned that Mr. Towne had been rejected by the Democrats the delegates at first were inclined to keep two tickets in the field. When Mr. Towne took the platform to decline the Vice-Presidential nomination, they would not allow him to speak, drowning his voice with continual cheers. When at last he succeeded in making himself heard, they were still unwilling to accede to his request that they should indorse Mr. Stevenson. Finally, however, his appeal and that of Senator Teller for union in the cause of liberty secured a vote giving the National Committee authority to act as it saw best. This Committee that evening accepted Mr. Stevenson. The Populist Committee was still more bitterly disappointed by the defeat of Mr. Towne. It had no authority to substitute the name of Mr. Stevenson, even if it so desired, and it must either continue Mr. Towne in the field, dividing electors with the Democrats as in 1896, or it must go into the campaign with no Vice-Presidential candidate. Mr. Towne desires to resign, but will remain on the Populist ticket, if this seems essential to bring out the full Populist vote in the doubtful States of the Far West.

In the outcome of its proceedings the Democratic Convention at Kansas City presented a most complete contrast with the Republican Convention at Philadelphia. At Philadelphia the only inspiriting event was the election of the VicePresident; at Kansas City the election of the Vice-President was the only disspiriting event. As I thought of this I was reminded of a story which John Brisben Walker told me during the Convention. Governor Altgeld, he said, had been asked what reply he would make on the stump if some Republican called out "How about the Ice Trust?" "I should say," replied the ex-Governor, "that the Democratic party has its rascals as well as the Republican, but that the difference was that the Republican party had its rascals at its head, while the Democratic

party had its rascals at the tail, and was trying to shake them off." In the present campaign the contrast between the two parties is very similar. It is only the tail of the Republican ticket which awakens enthusiasm among the great body of voters; it is only the tail of the Democratic ticket which fails to awaken enthusiasm. Neither the Republican candidate for President nor the platform of inter

ests upon which he stands appeals to the heart or the conscience of the common people, while both the Democratic candidate for President and the platform of principles upon which he stands appeal to the heart and conscience of the common people of America as they have only been appealed to before by Lincoln and his platform in 1860 and by Jefferson and his platform in 1800.

K

ANSAS CITY ought to be proud of its care of the Democratic National Convention. As hotel accommodation was insufficient for the delegates and visitors, many were forced to seek lodgings outside. These speak with enthusiasm of the energy and discretion shown by the Arrangements Committee in securing large, airy, and wellappointed rooms in private houses at prices below what would have been paid at hotels even in ordinary times. The Kansas Cityans showed a sympathetic interest and desire to help, not only at their homes, but also on the streets, as was evidenced by the wearing of badges bearing this inscription, "Ask me; I am a citizen."

The city may also be proud of its Convention Hall. Just ninety days ago the building in readiness for the Convention was burned to the ground. To-day a new structure has taken its place, substantial and commodious, the result of day and night labor for three months by an army of workers. While not so large as the Philadelphia hall, the interior arrangement of the one at Kansas City is the more advantageous in that the platform is placed at one side of the oblong instead of at the end; hence the speeches here were heard by more people than was possible in the case of the Philadelphia oratory. At the same time, with the exception of the reading of the Declaration of Independence the first day's speaking here was not a success. Governor Thomas, of Colorado, and Representative Richardson, of Tennessee, the temporary and permanent Chairmen, made remarkable addresses, but they were

not heard save by a comparative few; it is true, however, that neither of these speakers has a resonant voice, and neither has even the primitive graces of oratory. While the orators of the Convention's second day were more successful, if National gatherings continue to increase in size, no living orator will be equal to the task. Only a megaphone will be able to accomplish the now seemingly impossible task, but even a megaphone might not check a volubility, of which the Democratic seemed to have twice as much as the Republican Convention. The acoustics of the hall here are probably as good as those of any "I'd like to see 'em beat it," said a citizen to me this morning with aggressive pride, as he regarded the effete Eastern man.

The delegates represented every social station, but, as was admitted even by Democrats, the moral average was not high. Yet all claimed and received attention; even Mr. Bryan was forced to recognize the political blackmailers and automatons ruled by Mr. Croker in telegraphing " My greetings to Tammany on this anniversary of the Nation's birthday." Again, the average of morality was also patently lower than at Philadelphia. There one saw and heard some darky delegates from the South, of the hopeful Booker T. Washington order; here I saw no colored brother, though I was told that there was one from a Northern State. There is no hope for the negroes of the South in the Democratic party-a party which has already disfranchised as many as it dares. Among the delegates as a whole there predominated the face, square, solid, stolid, patiently but persistently office hungry

material, not ideal. As a matter of fact, most of the delegates were merely political messenger boys.

If Philadelphia's atmosphere is older and solider and serener than Kansas City's, the latter's is to many more stimulating; it represents more of the nervous -they have only time to call their town Kancy and the unconventional, but none the less it typifies an admirably hearty, wholesome, breezy Westernness, and the Democratic Convention was in appropriate keeping with all this. It was less well managed and it was less orderly than the Republican Convention, but there was far more fun at it, of the horse-play order. A spectator might have thought himself at some college mass-meeting or the Oxford "Commem," when the undergrads up in the top gallery at the Sheldonian are allowed liberties in chaffing their elders below. So it was here. There were organized yells from high school boys, let alone college boys. One enterprising New York paper had sent out fifty high school boys; what a preparation for serious life for them these days here! There were continual hootings and emittings of a curious sound, "Yow-owwow-ow," and when the very climax of cheering arrived the wild Western warwhoop signalizing it was certainly ahead of anything heard at peaceful and placid Philadelphia. Emotionalism has been at no discount here. Organized enthusiasm gives occasion for a united display of emotions, but when that display here lasted more than five minutes at a time it degenerated into mawkish yiaulings and disorder, in which the telegraph boys took occasion to roam at will about reporters' desks (unchecked by the ushers, who did such good work at Philadelphia), firing paper balls or other missiles at any convenient head. It was a depressing spectacle. A more inspiring scene occurred yesterday in the sudden and beautiful display of thousands of flags, followed by the superb singing from fifteen thousand throats of the National Anthem. In general, however, as compared with the Republican Convention, the Democratic seemed like emotion versus reason.

Though he was not present, the Convention was dominated by the personality of its Presidential nominee. His influence was supremely marked in the deci

sion on a question which his unflagging energy, more than any other's, has forged to the fore during the past half-decade. As in 1896, so in 1900, the main thing to be settled in the Democratic platform was not so much a discussion of the financial question in general, but of the currency question in particular, and in very particular, of the question of the ratio between the two principal metals used in coinage, gold and silver. On other questions before the Platform Committee there was no apparent division, but upon this there was sharp division. All through the night, between Tuesday and Wednesday, the Platform Committee was in session trying to settle differences. Hence the real battle of the Convention was not fought out before the eyes of the Convention itself; it was fought in the privacy of closely guarded quarters at the Kansas City Club.

Even among Silver Democrats a secret fire had been smouldering beneath a more or less serene surface. It was the fire of determination to save the Democratic party from further fanaticism in its stand for free silver. Gold Democrats aside, the Platform Committee suddenly found itself facing the spectacle of a disunited party. On one side were Mr. Bryan and his immediate followers, who wanted to keep silver in the foreground: on the other, three-quarters of the delegates, unfortunately represented by only half of the Platform Committee, who wanted to keep it in the background. Both sides realized, however, that the only thing on which there was serious division could not be forced to the background. Bryanites, or radicals, still maintained that the theory of an inflexible ratio could still be successfully defended; the conservatives declared that it could not be. They had discovered that an inflexible ratio is not genuine bimetallism; it is silver monometallism and therefore a barren ideality, past which the world has now marched to the only practical ideal.

The

Another secret force animating the delegates was the new prosperity. When they met at Chicago four years ago depression and discontent existed. Mr. Bryan had seen that wave coming and had astutely taken advantage of it by crying 16 to 1 as a panacea for all ills, and by prophesying that we would never