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should be universal; and are equally open to the question of what meaning is to be attached to the term "universal:" whether or not it is to include females; and whether or not the man of twenty years of age, who is taxed as much as the man of twenty-one, is to be excluded, as well as the one of nineteen or eighteen.

The basis on which the representation, as regards numbers and property, was finally fixed, was, "that representation and direct taxes should be apportioned in the same ratio." Thus it was not confined to "either persons or property, numbers or wealth," but it is an admixture of all; similar, therefore, to a certain extent, in intention, to our own, and designed, like our own, "by apportioning influence among each," to introduce vigilance, caution, and

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The new apportionments, to adjust the representation to the increase of the population, take place every ten years. The results

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have been remarkable. In 1790 the population of the United States was about 3,929,000; in 1830 it was about 12,866,000; in 1840 it was 17,063,353; and in 1850, 23,191,074.

The numbers composing the House of Representatives were originally sixty-five; they have, by the Act of July, 1852, been increased to 234; and the proportion of representatives to population has been raised first, in 1792, to one for every 33,000 of the population: next, in 1811, to one for every 35,000; then, in 1832, to one for every 47,700; by the Act of June 25, 1842, to one for every 70,680; and by the Act of 1850, to one for every 93,420.

The particular mode by which this distribution is arrived at, and the fractional numbers dealt with in apportioning representatives and direct taxation, though matters at one time of much controversy in the United States, need not occupy our attention. Neither need we be detained by the few other points adverted to under this head.

One or two additional remarks only are necessary in order to record Mr. Justice Story's

views as to the mental qualifications and attainments expected of a member of the House of Representatives. He says that "Information of peculiar local interests is of less value and importance in a member of the House of Representatives than in that of a member of a State legislature. The knowledge required of a national representative is necessarily of a more large and comprehensive character."* "Few members, com

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paratively speaking, will be found ignorant of local interests; but time, diligence, and a rare union of sagacity and public spirit, are indispensable to avoid egregious errors in national measures."+ "The very devotion to local views, feelings, and interests, which naturally tends to a narrow and selfish policy, may be a just disqualification and reproach to a member of Congress. A liberal and enlightened policy, a knowledge of national rights, duties, and interests, a familiarity with foreign governments and diplomatic history, and a wide survey of the operations of commerce, agricul

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ture, and manufactures, seem indispensable to a lofty discharge of his functions."* Reference is then made to the frequent habit in Great Britain, "of selecting men for representatives of large and populous cities and districts, who do not reside therein, and cannot be presumed to be intimately acquainted with their local interests and feelings. The choice, however, is made from high motives, a regard to talents, public services, and political sagacity.”† An opportunity occurs, after a few pages upon another branch of the subject, of touching upon the question as to whether large or small electoral districts afforded the best prospect of obtaining for the service of the State the best and most highly-qualified class of representatives; and the opinion of Mr. Ames is quoted, from a speech delivered by him in Congress in 1789, in favour of the former, "because small districts may be conducted by intrigue; but in large districts nothing but real dignity of character can secure an election." The theory of 1789 can* § 659. + § 661.

not, in Mr. Justice Story's opinion, look for support in the facts of the succeeding fifty years. Unfortunately," he says, "the expe

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rience of the United States has not justified the belief that large districts will always choose men of the greatest wisdom, abilities, and real dignity."*

* § 675, note.

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