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conceived his meaning in understanding him to imply "that Great Britain and France had no interest in the status quo in Cuba."

"Our doctrine is, not that we have an absolutely exclusive interest in the subject, but that we have a far deeper and more immediate interest than France or England can possibly lay claim to." 66 Therefore," he adds, "I do not see why we have not as good a right to obtain, if we can, from Spain, the voluntary cession of Cuba, as Great Britain had to accept the compulsory cession of Trinidad."

After such plain language as this, it is vain for Mr. Everett to expect to check the aspirations or the actions of those who desire to obtain Cuba at any cost, by the expression, in this same letter, of his individual opinion, "as a private citizen," as being adverse to its annexation; "that he does not covet it."

To the same real effect are the words of the late President, Mr. Filmore, in his message of 6th Dec., 1852. After disclaiming, on the part of the Government, any designs of the United States against Cuba, he adds that " he should regard its incorporation into the Union at the present time as fraught with serious peril." And the present President (Mr. Pierce), in his inaugural address, delivered in March, 1853 (see p. 228), has thrown off all disguise, and has proclaimed the policy to which his predecessor had already given an implied sanction.

When men of the first position in the United States openly adopt, and while others in one breath condemn, and in the next encourage the idea of the annexation of Cuba, and speak of it as only a question of time, there will not be wanting other persons besides "the young, the reckless, and the misinformed," who will be ready to profit by such teaching. The greater or less amount of interest which the two countries may have in the matter, is not the question. It is sufficient that the interests of England are great and important in the whole of

that quarter of the world. It is to be hoped that the day is far distant when she would look with indifference upon a blow aimed at the very least of them; whether prepared by such means, covert and open, as ended in the annexation of Texas, or by bands of "lawless adventurers," whom the Executive of the United States is unable to control, or by persons of a very different stamp, whose actions are condemned in words, but in effect encouraged, by men lately responsible for the public policy of that country, and are now openly sanctioned by the President.

It will be necessary to recur briefly to this subject in the next chapter, in illustration of the political position of the Executive.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE EXECUTIVE.

By the second article of the Constitution* the Executive power is vested in the President of the United States, who holds his office for the term of four years.

The object to be aimed at in every wellorganised Government, in respect to the Executive, is correctly stated by Mr. Justice Story to be the securing as great an amount of energy as is consistent with the public liberties; and he proceeds to remark that

“The notion is not uncommon, and occasionally finds ingenious advocates, that a vigorous Executive is inconsistent with the genius of a Republican Government."†

66

To this he answers most truly, that—

It is difficult to find any sufficient grounds on which

* Section 1, clause 1.

+ § 1417.

to rest this notion; and those which are usually stated belong principally to that class of minds which readily indulge in the belief of the general perfection, as well as the perfectibility of human nature, and deem the least possible quantity of power, with which Government can subsist, to be the best. To those who look abroad into the world, and attentively read the history of other nations, ancient and modern, far different lessons are taught with a severe truth and force. Those lessons instruct them that energy in the Executive is a leading character in the definition of a good government. It is essential to the protection of the community against foreign attacks. It is not less essential to the steady administration of the laws-to the protection of property against those irregular and high-handed combinations, which sometimes interrupt the ordinary course of justice, and to the security of liberty against the enterprises and assaults of ambition, of faction, and of anarchy. A feeble Executive implies a feeble execution of the Government. A feeble execution is but another phrase for a bad execution, and a government ill executed, whatever may be its theory, must, in practice, be a bad government." *

66

He then lays it down that—

"The ingredients which constitute energy in the Executive are, unity, duration, an adequate provision for its support, and competent powers. The ingredients which constitute safety in a republican form of government are, a due dependence on the people, and a due responsibility to the people." +

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Montesquieu has said that "the executive branch of government, having need of despatch, is better administered by one than by many. The best writers have invariably considered energy as the most necessary qualification of the Executive; and that this energy, manifested in the qualities of "decision, activity, secrecy, and despatch," will be best secured by placing the executive power in one hand rather than in many.

The manner in which the executive power is adjusted under the British Constitution, as well as the practical efficacy of that power, present some striking contrasts with both the theory and practice of the United States.

By the theory of our Constitution, our hereditary Sovereign is invested with the power of the Executive. In the exercise of this power, the prerogatives of the Crown are known and respected, and it is a fundamental axiom that within the limits of those prerogatives the Sovereign "can do no wrong." Removed beyond the sphere of popular interference and * Bk. ii. chap. vi.

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