yet, though these means of power and influence would be at his own command, though he presents the rare example of an Executive Magistrate rejecting the use of that which would contribute so much to personal aggrandizement, he is still charged with courting popularity. If this be the only mode of courting popularity, our country will indeed be happy, and those in power who thus seek it will deserve our lasting gratitude. [MAY 28, 1830. ment. This was a concession, by the majority, to the complaints of the minority. It will be but a poor recommen dation of our system of Government, to be told, that, under all circumstances, the caprice of mere numbers must prevail, though there be only a majority of one, and that we are not to hope for the occasional concession which is experienced in the Governments even of the old world. Must this Government, because it has the physical power, Other men, with other views, would adopt another like Aaron's serpent, swallow up every thing less strong? maxim, "that with money we can get men, and with men Is it not the part of wisdom, as well as patriotism, to money," and they would cling to both as the instruments submit this question to the States in the form of amendof their ambitious projects. Sir, I hail this act of the Pre- ment, rather than press on against the known will of a sident as ominous of the most auspicious results. Amongst large portion of them? The States feel a deep sense of the many excellent doctrines which have grown out of loyalty to the Union; but they feel, too, that they have our republican system, is this, that the blessings of freedom rights to demand, as well as duties to perform. Let us not cannot be enjoyed without a frequent recurrence to fun- place them in a situation where they may be driven to a damental principles. In this instance, we are making that course that would be called patriotism by some, and rebelrecurrence. It would seem, sir, that the period of about lion by others; but which, by whatsoever name it might thirty years constitutes a political cycle. Thirty years ago, be called, would endanger the success of our great expe at the opening of the present century, our Government riment, the benefits of which concern the whole human was drawn back to its original principles; the vessel of family. The course suggested by the Chief Magistrate is State, like one at sea, had gotten upon a wrong tack, and calculated to avert these dangers. When members on this the new pilot who was then placed at the helm brought it floor maintain any principles, they have no weight but that again into the right course, for the purpose of reaching its which belongs to them as individuals; but when a sugges proper destination. In the progress of a long voyage, it tion comes from the Executive, and especially accompany has again declined from its proper course; and I congra-ing his rejection of a bill, it brings with it all the authority tulate the whole crew that we have found another pilot to which the opinion of a branch of the Government is with enough of skill in navigation and firmness again to entitled. An issue is thus made up between him and Concorrect the declination. The present Chief Magistrate, gress, which will cause the people to deliberate; and thus sir, "had done the State some service" heretofore; but, we may hope that it will be calmly decided by them, so as in my estimation, it was but as dust in the balance, com- to put the subject forever to rest. pared with the good which he has now done. A distribution made upon principles of actual inequality, will produce deep disgust on the one side, and foster corruption on the other. Sir, there are other reasons why this course, pursued by Thus far I have been showing the utter injustice of find-the Executive, should meet our decided approbation. I ing fault with the Chief Magistrate for exercising his con- need only glance at a subject which I so recently discussed stitutional function according to his own judgment, and on another bill. I allude to the inequality and demoralizing have taken it for granted that his objections were well tendency of this system. founded. The late period of the session, as well as my having recently argued this question at large, induce me to forbear from entering into the discussion now at any length. I hope, however, the House will bear with me whilst I submit a few general remarks. I not only concur with the President, as far as he goes in his views, but I go further. He denies the power of Congress to construct roads, with a claim of jurisdiction. So do I. He admits, that, as the constitution has been long construed, the power to appropriate money for such purposes as are really na- How much, then, do we owe to him who averts this tional must be acquiesced in, until the difficulty is removed gangrene from our body politic? How much more do we by an amendment. In this 1 differ from the President, as owe to him who does it by a self-denial of those means by he has a right to differ from me, and from both Houses of which this evil may be produced? Sir, I hope, I believe, Congress. But as I claim the right to follow the lights of that there is not ingratitude enough in this country to remy own judgment, so I am always ready to acknowledge ward such a course by a deprivation of office. that of the President to do the same. I mean no offence to any State or individual; the remark applies, without distinction, to all States and individuals, under all circumstances. Sir, the history of all people, nations, tongues, and languages, teaches us the same me lancholy truth, that all Governments, of whatever form, have finally perished by corruption. storm in doing his duty, than, by a different course, continue to be President through a long and protracted life. But, sir, had I the honor of filling the Chief Executive But I will not now go into the constitutional question. chair, if it were revealed to me from Heaven that such Apart from this, let me ask whether there are not abun- would be the result, I would rather go down to posterity dant reasons for the course which the President has pur-upon the historic page as one who, like the present Chief sued. He tells you, the subject has been involved in Magistrate, had, with the moral courage, the ardent patridoubt, and has produced much diversity of opinion. This otism, and lofty disinterestedness of the ultimus Romanois a part of the political history of the country. A retro- rum, thrown himself into the breach and breasted the spect of the proceedings of Congress will show that different Congresses have entertained and expressed different opinions on the leading questions connected with this sys- Mr. VANCE said that the course pursued by the Pretem. We also know that many States of the Union have sident would not operate on his mind, either for or against utterly denied to us this power. Now, I put it to the can- that individual. He reminded the House that he had himdor, the justice, the liberality of this House, whether the self been always an advocate of the system of internal im mere circumstance of great doubt and diversity of opinion provement. He stated that, by that system, the West is not reason enough for the Chief Magistrate to pause, and must stand or fall. Unless it be sustained, the West can for you to pause with him, in this career. If it be now said, never have any participation in the appropriations of the as it often has been, that a majority is not to be governed General Government. As soon as the wealth derived from by a minority, I answer, let that be admitted, and yet I emigration shall be exhausted, the West must be drained demand that the majority should pay a just regard to the of every dollar, unless this system be continued. It is only remonstrances and complaints of the minority. Even in the by its continuance that the posterity of those who now monarchies of Europe, this is the case. Witness the recent live in the West can be prevented from becoming hewers emancipation of the Irish catholics by the British Parlia- of wood and drawers of water to the eastern States. He MAY 28, 1830.] The Veto. [II. of R. stated that the South had, during the last year, received] hopes are about to be realized, and the fruits of the victory more of the disbursements of the General Government, begin to unfold themselves, the member from Ohio has than had been expended in the whole of the western coun-shown himself a deserter and a recreant to those principles try on internal improvement. He then defended his col for which he had formerly contended, and to the banner league from the attack made upon him by the gentleman under which we had stood together in triumph. from Tennessee. His colleague [Mr. STAVBERY] was The member from Ohio has told the House that a majoable to sustain himself. That gentleman should have more rity of its members were dragooned into the passage of the gratitude for his colleague, and for the balance of the Ohio Indian bill by the heads of departments. It is false. I had and Kentucky and Pennsylvania delegation, who would now hoped that we should hear no more upon the subject of that vote against him on the question. For himself, he felt no bill upon this floor, in the tone which had been so finely indisappointment, for he had foretold from the stump the dulged by many of the gentlemen who had spoken against it, course which the present administration would take. His particularly as the concluding argument had been waived. colleagues had, also, from the stump, declared that they it was not enough that, in the discussion of that bill, when well understood the thing, and that General Jackson was it was directly before the House, every epithet of reproach the firm, steady, and consistent friend of internal improve- had been thrown out against its author: that one member ment. It was clear that he hd so far succeeded in con- should say it was perfidious; another, that it was infamous; cealing his real feelings on the subject, as to deceive those and a third, that open bribery had found a sanction in the gentlemen. They had, however, gone hand in hand with officers of the Government; and all these denunciations the gentleman from Tennessee, and had gained the victory. did pass almost unnoticed by the friends of the administra They had attained the triumph, and now they were receiv- tion. I sat still, and forbore reply, under repeated slanders ing their reward. When this message came into the House, of this kind; and, at the instance of the fiends of the it struck a damp to the feelings of those individuals, who measure, and in consideration of the advanced period of then felt the final destruction of all their fond hopes. the session, permitted the question to be finally taken, Mr. BELL said, when the member from Ohio [Mr. without reply. But all this does not satisfy the opponents STANBERY] took his seat, his feelings had prompted an of the bill. I certainly may be allowed to say a word in immediate reply, not more because of the unprecedented reply to these repeated allusions to that measure, although manner of the attack upon the message which had been not now before the House. It is proper the Executive the subject of remark, than of the nature of the allus on should be placed in the light and attitude in which they which had been made to a bill not now before the House.de, in which they deserve to stand, in relation to that The relation in which I stand to that measure, [said Mr. B.] measure. The President, in taking the ground he did seemed to call for some reply from me; but, in an attempt upon the Indian question, knew that he was incurring to get the floor, I found your eye, Mr. Speaker, averted. great responsibility; that he was brooking deeply-wrought Although the first moment of excitement is passed, and I prejudices in various classes of the community; in many have not now those strong feelings with which the extra-sections strong religious feeling; that he was exposing ordinary conduct of the member from Ohio at first inspir-himself to the arts and misrepresentations of his political ed me, yet I appeal to the House--to every member of it, enemics; yet he dared to take the course he did, because whatever may be their political partialities, to say whether he loved his country and its institutions; that country, for that member, in availing himself of the parliamentary pri- which he had hazarded more than mere personal popuvilege of considering the message as emanating from the larity upon repeated occasions--for which he had offered "ministry," not from the President, and in speaking of it to die. What had he to gain by his course upon that quesfreely under that pretext, had not assumed the manner of a blackguard. (Here Mr. B. was reminded by the Chair that it was not in order to indulge in personal remarks.] tion? The President had taken a strong interest in the success of the policy of removing the Indians, because he thought it calculated to preserve the harmony of the republic, and its reputation from a blot which the inherent The gentleman from Ohio, who had just taken his seat, difficulties of our relations with the southern tribes, and [Mr. VANCE] had informed the House that, for his part, the irritations likely to grow out of them, might bring upon. he was not surprised to see his colleague descrt an admin- it. But, sir, when he had laid the proposition before Conistration which hal damped the hopes of the West. The gress, he felt his conscience free. He had done what duty member from Ohio, before me, cannot plead the impression prompted; the rest was to be decided here. [Here Mr. produced by the message on yesterday in defence of his VANCE called Mr. B. to order, as he was discussing a bill desertion. Before the message was heard of, the member not before the House.] Sir, I refer to this measure, befrom Ohio had shown such symptoms of disaffection, as cause it has been brought into this discussion. The adleft the friends of the administration no room to doubt his ministration has been charged with taking an improper final intentions; and he has only availed himself of this interest in it; and it has been repeatedly referred to, as an evasion to unmask himself. There was a time when that instance of the extravagance of this Congress. We have member professed different sentiments upon the great been told, in this debate, that while the President scruquestions which divide the country, from those now avow-ples to appropriate money to internal improvement, he ed by him-there was a time when I united with him in a has urged the adoption of another measure, and, by his ingreat political object, and was proud of an associate in the fluence, carried it through the House, involving an expencause, in Ohio. It was not that Andrew Jackson, however diture of half a million of dollars, and that, too, to further illustrious in name and services, was to be elevated by that a ruinous and disgraceful policy. I consider every thing struggle, that I had stood with feelings of pleasure by the I have said or shall say upon this subject, strictly in order. side of the member from Ohio, and conquered with him When this measure was directly the subject of discussion, I --it was because I believed that whatever had been said, stated that the extravagance of an administration would or was found to the contrary, that great man, if elected to never be decided merely by the amount expended--that power, would administer the Government with a modera- the intelligence of the country, in making up its verdict tion and forbearance, in regard to all those great interests upon such a question, would look to the propriety of the which ambitious and desperate men seemed willing to push expenditure--to the necessity which demanded the applito a dangerous and ruinous extreme-that he had the firm-cation of the public treasure; and that praise or censure ness to look popular opinion in the face, and to oppose it would follow, as the objects to be accomplished were for when it was misled--that he would bring harmony out of good or for evil. I also then stated that the removal of discord--observe the constitution, and revive the hopes of the Indians would bring more money into the treasury, by the desponding. But now, at the very moment when these removing the incumbrance of the Indian title from the VOL. VI.-144 H. of R.] The Veto. [MAY 28, 1830. public lands, than would be drawn from it; but enough of My political feelings are not such as to prompt me to asthis now. Sir, I repeat, that the President, in bringing sail the feelings or motives of any man, under circumforward the Indian question in the manner he did, had stances of ordinary provocation. My course, during the dared to do his duty, and from thenceforth the responsi- short time I have had a seat here, I trust, has manifested bility was thrown where it belonged essentially--upon that I am neither forward nor impertinent in vindicating Congress. The spirit in which it was opposed, was such political friends, nor in assailing opponents, and I hope as to make the administration indifferent to its success, so I shall be permitted to proceed without interruption. far as regarded their standing with the country. Sir, how-| It has beeen said, in the course of the debate, that the ever extraordinary the declaration may appear to gentle- President has undertaken to decide against the will of the men, I do declare that the previous question, which was people, as expressed through their representatives in Conat last successful in bringing that measure to a final vote, gress, that appropriations shall not be made to objects was moved without the approbation of many sincere friends of internal improvement. The constitution allows the of the administration; and had a closing reply been per- veto of the President upon the will of a majority of Conmitted, I was prepared to disavow any interest on the part gress. By the course pursued in the present instance, of the friends of the administration in the measure, as a the subject is recommitted to Congress, and an appeal will party measure, and to let the responsibility of its passage ultimately be carried before the people, who will, in their or rejection rest wholly with those who doubted its policy, returns to the next Congress, pronounce upon the motives or opposed it upon party grounds. Sir, I have thought, of the President, and approve or condemn his councils, and I do not hesitate now to state my settled conviction, as they shall think fit. Before that tribunal he will be arthat if no other interests had been involved in the ques-raigned; and if they shall not see the evils of the present tion, than the mere popularity of the administration, the re-system of appropriation in the light he does, he is willing jection of the Indian bill was to be desired. As an humble to be prostrated in their esteem. In such a course, he is friend of the administration, I was indifferent to the fate willing to seek the loss of the smiles of his countrymen— of the bill; and such I believe to have been the feeling of that they shall account all his past services for naught; he every member of the administration, so far as their own is willing to offer himself a sacrifice in the discharge of political interests were concerned. But, sr, the principles what he considers a public duty, as he has often done. involved in, and the interests connected with, the Indian But, sir, I do not understand the President to be opposed question, rose above the party conflicts of the day. They to internal improvement. It is the present unequal and addressed themselves to higher and nobler feelings. It distracting mode of appropriating the public treasure, was upon the disinterested ground of the welfare of the which he has set his face against. A patriotic system of Indians themselves, and the honor of the country, that the dispensing the general funds for the improvement of the question was placed in the opening argument, and by the country, a system which, while it professes to act for advocates of the measure generally. Upon such grounds the general good, and to become a cement to the Union, we might have expected the generous feeling and co-ope- shall be so in fact; one which shall be secured against ration of all parties--but what response did we find in abuses by an amendment of the constitution, is decidthe leaders of the opposition? Let the spirit of their argu-edly approved by the message. The expediency of proments tell. No, sir, though the bill involved the fate of a ceeding in the system, as at present practised, is, it is whole race of men--a race generally supposed to have true, as decidedly denied; but it is not proposed to dam been harshly treated by their white brothers, and the mea- up, forever, the stream from the treasury for the benesure was itself a great experiment for their relief, and ficent purposes of internal improvement; this I do not some kindred sympathy might have been expected from believe the people will consent to; but it is proposed to political opponents, we found none. It was denounced as an electioneering scheme. How could it be so? The President was already strong in the South. He knew that trong feelings were opposed to it in the North and East. He could have had no hopes of strengthening his own interest. He threw himself on the side of the weak, and braved the opposition of the strong; and in that measure, The gentleman from Ohio, last up, [Mr. VANCE] has as well as in the one under consideration, he had indi-spoken in an improper manner of the fading prospects of cated the destiny to which he was born--to rescue his the West; and deprecated the idea of diminished expendicountry from the midst of dangers which threatened to tures for its benefit. I claim also to be a friend to the inoverwhelm it. terests of the West--that West to which I belong by birth, check its flow in its present wild and unrestricted channel. It is believed that the present burdens of the country may be greatly diminished; that manufactures may be duly encouraged, and still have a surplus in the treasury, ample enough for the accomplishment of every desirable object of internal improvement. A word in reply to what has been said of the denuncia- and I promise that gentleman to go along with him, side tions, alleged to have been made, of those friends of the by side, in asserting its claim to be regarded in the distribuadministration who did not support the Indian bill. Sir, tion of the favors of this Government--its claim to a fair know there are many gentlemen in this House who have portion of whatever funds shall be appropriated to internal supported, and will continue in the support of, the admin-improvement; but I differ with him as to the mode of apistration of the present Chief Magistrate, who have confi-plying them. I contend that the half a million which it dence in his patriotism, and are grateful for his splendid | would require to extend the Zanesville road through Kenservices, and who yet cannot agree with him in all his po-tucky, and to make it permanent, applied, under the direc litical opinions. I know there are many such who voted tion of the Legislature of that State, to various roads of against the Indian bill--there are doubtless many such who smaller extent, leading from her interior secluded and forwill oppose the doctrines of the message of yesterday; but, sir, there are others who will not fail, as they have not failed, to make those measures a pretext for open opposition, when, in fact, they had been long since secretly false and recreant to their profession. None, however, who observed the movements of individual members during the progress of a recent measure, would fail to see that the line was distinctly drawn between the false and the real friends of the administration, who united to oppose that measure. [Here Mr. DODDRIDGE called Mr. B. to order.] tile districts to the great outlets which nature has already provided for carrying off the productions of the whole West, would secure a greater actual amelioration of the condition and prospects of the people of that State, than two millions expended upon any free great road, extending quite through the State, and belonging to any great system of national improvement, exccuted under the wasteful superintendence of the General Government. Iaffirm that the same increased proportion of actual advantage and amelioration would attend the application of a small amount to similar objects in Ohio, or in any other western States, MAY 28, 1830.] The Veto. [H. of R. under the direction of the local authorities, over a larger he or I stand committed for this bill; but, for myself, I will sum administered by the General Government. Sir, I had say that, under the influence of opinions formed during the intended, when I rose, to pursue this part of the subject period in which those bills were discussed, and which opimuch further, but neither my own feelings nor the temper nions have never since been changed or shaken, I did, upon of the House will, at this time, permit the subject to be mature reflection, vote for this bill when it was here bediscussed in an argumentative storm. fore; my opinion, notwithstanding the arguments by which Mr. SUTHERLAND said he should vote in favor of the the President's objections are so powerfully urged, rebill. He said Pennsylvania was the friend of internal im- main the same; and if I live, I will vote for it again. And provements, and also the friend of General Jackson, and do I expect by that to offend the President? Not so. If she would abide by both, waiting with confidence for the I were to do it, it would but prove that I am what I am, slow but certain process by which the system of improve- and he is not Andrew Jackson! I think I know the man ments would universally prevail. The President had, in who now fills the executive chair well enough to be convetoing the bill, exercised only his constitutional power, vinced that if, without a change of opinion, I should feel and he [Mr. S.] and his constituents, in supporting it, so strongly the influence of the message as to change my were only exercising the power which the constitution vote on this bill, he would think me a villain. I am cergranted to them. He represented a State which was tain he ought, under such circumstances, to despise me, as friendly to both; for, in fact, Pennsylvania was the first I should myself, and am sure he would. But suppose we State which had given the present Chief Magistrate an un- had a Chief Magistrate capable of taking offence, and divided support, and which was also, whilst it had lost no feeling resentment for honest consistency in others, I would confidence in his first object, being the general good of his say to him, I cannot help it; to you, Mr. President, I owe country, friendly to the great principle of internal improve- no responsibilities; to none but God and my constituents do ment. That such would, sooner or later, be the universal I acknowledge responsibility, and these I will discharge sentiment of the nation, he had no doubt the course of as I may. time, and the progress of human affairs, would render apparent. Mr. WAYNE made some observations in reply to the remarks of Mr. VANCE. Mr. A. H. SHEPPERD spoke for a short time, in reference to some remarks made on the preceding day, which he conceived to be intended for him. An explanation took place between that gentleman and the member by whom the remarks had been made. My colleague [Mr. BELL] anticipates the final settlement of the great question of internal improvement, when the people shall decide, and their will is represented. I heartily join him in that appeal to the people, and, so far as I can, will cheerfully stake the fate of internal improvement, yes, and my own fate, politically, upon that issue. my colleague do likewise? Will [As Mr. ISACKS concluded, Mr. BELL said, that in nothing he had said had he the remotest allusion to the Mr. ISACKS said, he was sincerely sorry to feel it a course of Mr. I. He had no doubt that on this question duty he owed to himself to say a few words on this subject. his colleague fairly represented his constituents.] From what had of late fallen from different members, and Mr. KENNON observed, that, being perfectly satisfied other indications, he scarcely knew whether even he was in his own mind that all the arguments which could be regarded as the friend or enemy of this administration. To adduced would not change a single vote upon the subsuch as might wish to monopolize the entire support of ject, he felt himself bound to move the previous question. the administration, he had but little to say. This he might The question was agreed to by a vote of yeas 85, nays say, perhaps, without offence, that "he was an older (not 67. So the previous question was carried. The yeas and nays were called for, ordered, and taken, on the putting of the main question. It was carried by a vote of 105 to 76. 66 The main question, which was the passage of the bill, the objections of the President notwithstanding, was then put. The vote was as follows: Mr. I. said, when he came here, some seven years ago, YEAS.--Messrs. Armstrong, Noyes Barber, Bartley, a colleague of the President's, if members of different Bates, Baylor, Beekman, John Blair, Boon, Brown, BurHouses can be called so, the Tennessee delegation, with ges, Cahoon, Childs, Chilton, Clay, Clark, Coleman, Conone exception, old George Kremer, and perhaps half a dict, Cooper, Crane, Crawford, Crockett, Creighton, dozen others, were all the political friends that could then Crowninshield, John Davis, Denny, Doddridge, Dorsey, be numbered for him in Congress. Nothing could be more Duncan, Dwight, Ellsworth, George Evans, Edward Evegrateful to him than the multiplication since. He was now, rett, Horace Everett, Findlay, Finch, Ford, Forward, and had been ever since, to this moment, no less the de- Grennell, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hodges, Howard, Hughes, voted personal and political friend of the President, than Hunt, Huntington, Ingersoll, Irvin, Isacks, Johns, Kenhe was then and had been before. And, in vindication of dall, Kennon, Kincaid, Lecompte, Letcher, Lyon, Mallahis honor, his honesty, patriotism, and firmness of pur-ry, Martindale, L. Maxwell, McCreery, Mercer, Miller, pose, he would, on any proper occasion, go as far as Mitchell, Norton, Pearce, Pettis, Pierson, Ramsey, Ranhe that goes furthest;" and he trusted that his acts, in and dolph, Reed, Richardson, Rose, Russel, Scott, William B. out of this House, during the two last struggles for the Shepard, Semmes, Sill, Ambrose Spencer, Sprigg, StanPresidency, would be taken as a sufficient guaranty for bery, Standifer, Stephens, H. R. Storrs, W. L. Storrs, that pledge. But on the present question he differed Strong, Sutherland, Swann, Swift, Test, John Thomson, from the President-and what of that? We have [said Vance, Vinton, Washington, Whittlesey, Edward D. Mr. I.] differed before. During the Congress that we White, Wickliffe, Yancey, Young.--96. were representatives of Tennessee, we often differed; but NAYS.-Messrs. Alexander, Allen, Alston, Anderson, there was then a class of subjects we did not differ upon. Angel, Archer, Arnold, Bailey, J. S. Barbour, Philip P. We voted together (I speak from memory, not records) Barbour, Barnwell, Barringer, Bell, James Blair, Bockee, on the survey bill, on the bill to subscribe stock to the Borst, Bouldin, Brodhead, Cambreleng, Campbell, Car. Chesapeake and Delaware canal, on the bill for the con- son, Chandler, Claiborne, Coke, Conner, Cowles, Hector struction of the road from Canton to Zanesville, in Ohio, Craig, Robert Craig, Crocheron, Daniel, Davenport, W, and on the bill appropriating fifty thousand dollars to re- R. Davis, Deberry, Desha, De Witt, Drayton, Dudley, move obstructions in the Mississippi river. I do not say, and Earll, Foster, Fry, Gaither, Gordon, Gorham, Hall, Hammust not be understood to mean, that by those votes either mons, Harvey, Haynes, Hinds, Hoffman, Hubbard, Jen H. of R.] Graduation Bill.--The Light-house, &c. Bill. [MAY 29, 31, 1830. nings, Cave Johnson, Perkins King, Adam King, Lamar, the stock of the Washington and Frederick Road CompaLea, Leiper, Loyall, Lewis, Lumpkin, Magee, Thomas ny, was finally passed by the following vote: Maxwell, McCoy, McDuffie, McIntire, Monell, Muhlen- YEAS.--Messrs. Armstrong, Noyes Barber, Bates, Bay. berg, Nuckolls, Overton, Polk, Potter, Powers, Rencher, lor, John Blair, Brown, Burges, Cahoon, Chilton, Clark, Roane, A. H. Shepperd, Shields, Smith, Speight, Richard Coleman, Cooper, Crane, Crawford, Crockett, CreighSpencer, Sterigere, Taliaferro, Taylor, Wiley Thomp-ton, John Davis, Denny, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight, son, Trezvant, Tucker, Varnum, Verplanck, Wayne, Weeks, Campbell P. White, Wilde, Williams.-90. So the bill, not being supported by two-thirds of the House, was rejected. SATURDAY, MAY 29, 1830. GRADUATION BILL. The bill from the Senate to graduate, or reduce, the price of the public lands, being next taken up, Mr. IRVIN, of Ohio, moved to lay the bill on the table, as there was no time at this late period of the session, he thought, to go into the discussion of a subject of such mag. nitude. Mr. DUNCAN requested Mr. I. to withdraw his motion for a short time, to allow some explanation for the bill; but Mr. I. declined. George Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Find- NAYS. Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Bell, James Mr. BOON called for the yeas and nays, and Mr. LEW-bell P. White.--37. IS made an unsuccessful motion for a call of the House; when The bill from the Senate, to authorize the payment of the claim of the State of Massachusetts for certain services The question was taken, and the bill was laid on the ta- of the militia during the late war, was finally passed by ble: yeas, 82-nays, 68. the following vote: THE LIGHT-HOUSE, &c. BILL. YEAS.--Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Armstrong, Bailey, Barber, Bates, Baylor, Bell, Burges, Cahoon, CamThe amendments of the Senate to the bill making ap-breleng, Claiborne, Clark, Coleman, Hector Craig, Ropropriations for light-houses, &c. as amended by the Com-bert Craig, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, John Davis, Demittee on Commerce, were taken up. On these amend- berry, Denny, Desha, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight, Earll, ments a debate arose, which continued till ten o'clock. A George Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Findlay, large number of members participated in the debate; but Gorham, Grennell, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hinds, Hodges, such was the confusion and indistinctness of the proceed. Howard, Hughes, Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie, Ingersoll, W. ings to spectators, during several hours of the evening, in W. Irvin, Kendall, Kennon, Kincaid, Leiper, Magee, Marconsequence of the immense crowd of spectators, male and tindale, Mercer, Miller, Mitchell, Muhlenberg, Norton, female, which filled the Hall, even to the seats of the Pearce, Pettis, Pierson, Powers, Ramsey, Reed, Richardmembers, that it was impossible for reporters to understand the questions correctly. One of the principal points of contestation was, an appropriation made by the Senate, of forty thousand dollars for the examination and improvement of Back creek, in Maryland, (connected with the Chesapeake and Delaware canal,) which was ultimately concurred in: yeas, 91nays, 47. son, Semmes, Smith, Sprigg, William L. Storrs, Strong, Sutherland, Swann, Swift, Taliaferro, Taylor, Test, John Thomson, Vance, Varnum, Verplanck, Vinton, Washing ton, Whittlesey, Campbell P. White, Edward D. White, Wilson, Wingate, Young.--83. NAYS.--Messrs. James Blair, John Blair, Chandler, Conner, Warren R. Davis, Gordon, Haynes, Jennings, Lea, Lecompte, Loyall, McCoy, Polk, Roane, Augustine The bill from the Senate to authorize a subscription to II. Shepperd, Speight, Stanbery, Standifer, Wickliffe, the stock of the Louisville and Portland Canal Company, Williams, Yancey.-21. was finally passed by the following vote: Fatigued to complete exhaustion, it became impossible YEAS.--Messrs. Armstrong, Noyes Barber, Bates, Bay-longer to keep a quorum. For want of which, the House lor, John Blair, Brown, Burges, Cahoon, Chilton, Clark, at length adjourned. Cooper, Crane, Crawford, Crockett, Creighton, John Davis, Deberry, Denny, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight, George Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Findlay, The bills which originated in this House, last presented Grennell, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hodges, Howard, Hughes, to the President for his approbation, were returned for Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie, Ingersoll, Irvin, Jennings, Ken his signature. dall, Kennon, Kincaid, Lecompte, Leiper, Lyon, Martindale, Mercer, Miller, Mitchell, Muhlenberg, Pearce, Pet-To the House of Representatives: The following message accompanied one of these bills: tis, Pierson, Ramsey, Reed, Richardson, Russel, Shields, MONDAY, MAY 31, 1830. Semmes, Smith, Sprigg, Stanbery, Standifer, Sterigere, making appropriations for examinations and surveys, and also for care Gentlemen: I have approved and signed the bill entitled "An act William L. Storrs, Strong, Sutherland, Swann, Taylor, tain works of internal improvement;" but as the phraseulogy of the Test, Thomson, Vance, Varnum, Vinton, Washington, road from Detroit to Chicago, may be construed to authorize the appli section which appropriates the sum of eight thousand dollars for the Whittlesey, Edward D. White, Wickliffe, Wingate, Yan-cation of the appropriation for the continuance of the road beyond the cey, Young.--79. limits of the Territory of Michigan, I desi e to be understood as having NAYS.-Messrs. Cambreleng, Claiborne, Conner, Hector Craig, Robert Craig, Crocheron, Warren R. Davis, Desha, Earll, Foster, Gordon, Gorham, Haynes, Hinds, The business of the session being finished, the usual Cave Johnson, Lea, Loyall, Magee, McCoy, Nuckolls, committee was appointed to wait upon the President of the Polk, Potter, Powers, Rencher, Roane, Augustine H. United States to inform him that the House was ready to Shepperd, Speight, Taliaferro, Campbell P. White, Wil-adjourn. liams.--35. The committee having reported, the Speaker adjourn The bill from the Senate authorizing a subscription to led the House sine die. |