been solemnly disposed of, he hoped it would not be revived. If, however, the reconsideration was carried, he should be in favor of again taking a direct vote on the bill, and not laying it on the table; and, with that view, he moved a call of the House.

Mr. GORHAM demanded the yeas and nays on this motion; which being taken,

[APRIL 15, 1830.

who were here were brave enough, but they wanted some body to head them. As to the present motion, [said Mr. T.] he hoped, if the vote was reconsidered, that the question would be tried on the bill again, and not have it laid on the table.

Mr. CROCKETT remarked that he had always been in favor of the road, and had exerted himself to have it carThe motion of Mr. P. prevailed: yeas, 99; nays 81; and ried through his district, if the western route should be the call of the members proceeded for some time, when selected. He never had believed that the bill would pass, it was, on motion, suspended. if at all, by a great majority. For his part, he had no Mr. CARSON then rose, and said, he understood that opinion of this Government's giving away power to the this motion was made and had been supported by the gen-States. Suppose the States should turn round, and say, tleman from Pennsylvania, expressly on the ground that you shall not make the road. He would vote to go through the vote of yesterday was claimed as a victory by the op-any gentleman's State with a road or a canal, that was for ponents of internal improvements. I, for one, [said Mr. the good of the Union. He did not believe he should C.] do claim it as a victory. It was a victory that will re-ever give up that doctrine.

dound to the lasting honor of this House and this nation. [Some mutual explanations here took place between Yes, sir, it was a victory over a monster which has been Messrs. CROCKETT and TUCKER, in reference to prelapping the life-blood of the South. Yesterday, sir, wevious remarks.]

harpooned the monster, and made his blood spout glo- Mr. WILDE had regretted to see the House falling into riously. It appears, however, that his last convulsive ago- a temper but little calculated to advance the public businies have excited the sympathy of some gentlemen, and ness. He hoped the subject would be considered calmly, they are now willing to put him into the hands of political and decided without passion. The motion, he observed, doctors, to have all his wounds healed, and his health, was supported on two grounds: First, that the rejection strength, and venom fully restored by next session. Sir, of the bill was claimed as a victory by those opposed to it I hope the bill will not be laid on the table. Should it be on principle; and, secondly, as an act of courtesy to the reconsidered, as I know it will be, (for the arrangement is gentleman who had the bill in charge. If the reconsideraalready made,) I am ready to meet the question again, and tion were asked merely as an act of courtesy, [said Mr. dare the friends of the bill to the contest; then let us see W.] he would not refuse it. As to the other ground, he who will retreat from that gallant corps who faithfully said the majority against the bill did not consist altogether united their hands, and bravely and successfully contended of those affirming the principle that the Government has for the constitution. If the bill shall be reconsidered, and no constitutional right to construct roads; the majority its friends then lay it on the table, we shall again claim the was made up of all parties. But, [said Mr. W.] while it vote as a victory. When I see men flying off from our is conceded that the rejection of the bill is not claimed as ranks and deserting to the other side, it does but increase a victory by those who oppose the power, will not the remy desire for the fight. Yes, sir, we will try it manfully, hilt to hilt. We have won the victory once--we have got the monster down--he is struggling and ready to expire, and I, for one, will keep my foot upon his neck, and hope to witness his expiring gasp.

consideration be claimed as a victory for the party which affirms the power? At any rate, the effect of a reconsideration would be to place the bill again on the calendar, where it may be called up again, even during the present session; but if not at this, it will be ready for the next session, when a variety of considerations may have operated on gentlemen to give it increased strength.

Mr. SPENCER said, if the member from North Carolina meant to apply his remarks to him, he repelled them. He had not changed his opinion respecting the bill; but Mr. J. S. BARBOUR said, it was not usual with him to he held himself at liberty to do so if he saw fit. He had consume the time of the House in debate, nor should he made the motion, not in consequence of any change of now trespass on its patience. I ask, however, [said Mr. opinion, but from courtesy to the gentleman who requested B.] that it bear with me for a single moment, while I offer it. He himself entertained powerful objections to the a word of explanation as to the vote I am about to give. bill, but he had not thought proper to trouble the House My vote stands recorded against this bill in the Journal of with them. These, however, should not restrain him from performing a customary act of courtesy. He regretted that his motion had given rise to any angry feelings, but these should not induce him to retract it.

yesterday, nor can I conceive any change as likely to occur in the condition of things, that will change that vote. But, respectable portions of those who sent me here, have expressed their wishes in favor of this road, and, whilst I Mr. MERCER said, there was one peculiar reason cannot vote for the bill, it is an act of justice to others, which ought to prevail with the House to reconsider the as well as to myself, that I should lay their wishes before vote of yesterday. A gentleman, who was very desirous this House, as well as my own reasons for resisting the of proposing an amendment to the bill, had, in his hear- bill. I had hoped that this opportunity would have been ing, been assured, that, if he would not insist upon offer- afforded me yesterday, but I was excluded by the demand ing it then, he could have an opportunity of offering it of the previous question, and the sense of this body suswhen the bill came into the House. The call for the pre- taining that demand. In the hope that I may still be pervious question had cut off all opportunity of amendment, mitted to do so, I shall now vote to reconsider the ques and all further debate, so that the bill had never been sub- tion. mitted to the test of amendment, which might have put Mr. ANGEL said, as the people of New York felt so much it in such a form as to obviate the objections of some of on this subject, and had so large a stake in the question, its opponents, and thus to have ensured its passage. he regretted that the motion for reconsideration had been Mr. TUCKER said, he had been here thirteen years, made by his colleague, who, by his talents and character, but had never witnessed any thing like what he had heard standing at the head of the delegation, venerable for his on this bill, and he prayed God he might never see the years and respected for his wisdom, gave weight to the like again. He would notice a remark of a gentleman motion. His colleagues, therefore, thought hard of it. from Tennessee, that, if they had had Tennessee boys here The object of those who desired the reconsideration was, during the war, they would have saved the capitol. Mr. by reviving the bill, and then letting it lie on the table for admitted that if one from Tennessee had been here, the remainder of the session, to make it appear that this called "Old Hickory," he would have saved the capitol Congress was favorable to internal improvements. with one-half of the militia which was present. The militia spoke for the people of New York, when he said they

He

Mr. ANGEL disclaimed any such assumption. He meant nothing of the sort. He only spoke in reference to the effect of the bill, and the supposed feelings of the people on the subject.

[H. of R.

Mr. MARTIN, thinking the House might meet in better temper to-morrow for the decision of the question, moved an adjournment; but the motion was negatived by a large

looked at this proposed road as an object that was to crush gentlemen before he employed the term. He did hope them with taxation. that gentlemen would have been willing to concede someMr. MAGEE replied that his colleague was not the sole thing to the feelings and interests of the South; yet, after representative of New York, and could not so speak the decided vote of yesterday, they wanted the question for the whole State. There were more than a million of reconsidered. He repeated the declaration, that he was the people of New York in favor of internal improvements, prepared to meet it. He wished to see whether they and his colleague must not assume the right to represent could pass that bill or not. As to the figure he had hapthe whole State, while she had other representatives on pened to employ, and on which the gentleman from Rhode this floor. Island had seen fit to animadvert, it was, perhaps, useless for him to say to the House that he had been raised among the mountains, that he had never trodden academic hall or collegiate walks, nor had he studied tropes and figures of rhetoric. It might, perhaps, have been more approMr. BURGES did not rise to make a speech on the mo-priate if he had spoken of laying the monster low with a tion, but merely to deprecate, not only the feeling evinc- rifle. He was sorry that harpoon seemed so disagreeable ed, but the style of the discussions on this floor. Was it to the gentleman from Rhode Island; and from the knowcome to this, that the motives of gentlemen were called in ledge of that gentleman's literary acquirements, and espe question, and the balances of interest struck for and against cially of his taste for tropes and figures, of which he had themselves, to establish those motives? Not only this, but given that House so many impressive proofs, he would, if an act of high and generous courtesy--an act of comity he had had the opportunity, have consulted that gentleso fitting to the dignity of the representative office; this man, and taken his advice before he made his speech; but, even was arraigned and opposed as unworthy. Sorry, in- as circumstances had not rendered this practicable, the deed, [said Mr. B.] was he to witness such a course of figure was now past recall, and must go for what it was procedure. The motion, he proceeded to remark, is op- worth. posed, because its success will be claimed as a victory by the friends of the bill, and mar the glory of the victory gained by one section of the country in its rejection. We acknowledge, [said Mr. B.] at least in forin, that we are majority. conquered; and we merely ask, when at the point of the Mr. ELLSWORTH said that it would have given him sword, a little indulgence. This will not reverse the victo-pleasure to have obliged the friends of the bill, by voting ry. Yes, sir; the victory. The rejection of a bill is term- yesterday in its favor, and he should have done so, if he ed a victory-as if we who are met here to consult on the had supposed that it involved the mere abstract principle common weal of our common country, were deadly ene- of the power of the General Government to carry on a jumies; and all the figures of ferocious war and bloodshed dicious system of internal improvements, of a national are brought in to illustrate the triumph; not the imple- character. But, after all the attention he had been able ments of ordinary battle, the sword and the pistol, but the to give to the subject, he had been fully impressed with harpoon is introduced, as if the measure which has been the conviction that it was his duty to vote against the predestroyed, was a monster and a curse, instead of an object sent plan, as unnecessary, inexpedient, and extravagant. of great public utility and beneficence. Sir, this evinces Mr. E. said he was a decided friend to national improvebad taste as well as bad feeling. And the triumph of the ments, if they were of a judicious character. But he would South is claimed in this decision. Have we lost, sir, any ask, what single consideration had been brought forward toof the points of the compass? Over whom and what is this day, to induce the House, after all the discussion which victory achieved? Is it the North or the West? Is it come had led to the vote of yesterday, to revise its decision? He to this, that we hear, on this floor, a victory claimed by had been sorry to hear from the very honorable gentleman one part of the Union over others? Sir, it is not true. of Virginia, [Mr. P. P. BARBOUR] words which seemed to The whole country is interested in this road-there is no show that that gentleman harbored a feeling he must repart which would not feel its beneficial effects. Even gret; and he was yet more sorry to hear the strain of reRhode Island, remote as she will be from it, will be bene- mark which had been indulged in by the gentleman from fited; for by this road the iron of Tennessee will be brought North Carolina, [Mr. CAnsox.] What was the reason which to the markets of New England. He hoped the motion had been adduced in favor of reconsideration? The gento reconsider might prevail; that the bill might then be tleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. BUCHANAN] had declared laid on the table until next session, and in the mean time that he should vote for it, because the decision of yesterbe made a popular question, and, if the sense of the peo-day was claimed as a triumph. Let gentlemen claim what ple be in favor of it, their names might be heard, and the they pleased, so long as the nation and the House had sense bill become a law. enough to perceive that the general principle of internal Mr. CARSON said, he wished to address to the House improvement was not involved, or compromitted by the a few words of explanation; and in the first place, he would bill. He was sorry any gentleman should have claimed a say to the gentleman from New York, [Mr. SPENCER] that victory on the abstract principle. He did not believe that it had not been his intention to impugn that gentleman's the decision warranted any such claims. Was any new view motives in the slightest degree. He had neither affirmed of the subject now presented to him, which ought to induce that the gentleman had altered his constitutional opinions, him to reconsider a vote given yesterday, after much renor that his vote for reconsideration would be evidence of flection, and under a solemn sense of duty? He had then his having done so. He was also perfectly aware that no voted according to the lights before him; and, having rechange had taken place in the sentiments of the gentleman ceived no new light, he could not change his vote. from Pennsylvania; but he had heard it suggested that mornMr. P. P. BARBOUR rose, and said, he trusted the ing, before the House met, that this motion was a political House would bear with him for a few moments. ! should manœuvre, and that the bill was to be got up and laid on not have risen, [said Mr. B.] but for two or three allusions the table again, for political effect. He had, certainly, which have this morning been made, or which I understood looked upon the vote of yesterday as a victory, and he had to have been directed, to a remark which fell from me at called it a victory of the South, because it had a bearing the close of the debate yesterday. It would be difficult to on a question in which the whole southern portion of the express my surprise at the information which I received Union was not only deeply but vitally interested. He had yesterday, for the first time, from the act of the House, not originated the word victory-it had been used by other and which has been further confirmed to me by several

H. of R.]

Reconsideration of the Road Bill.

[APRIL 15, 1830. gentlemen this morning, in relation to the excitement pro- your amendment, and you can offer it in the House." The duced by that remark. Sir, I have been fourteen or fif- previous question, in the mean while, had been called, by teen years a member of this House, and I think I may ap- which all amendment was precluded. He would ask, peal to all who have served with me to say whether I have therefore, as it respected this bill, how had the ends of lenot consulted the decorum of debate to as great an extent gislation been attained? Did any one, for example, beas any gentleman who ever had a seat on this floor. Du-lieve that the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. SHEPring the whole course of the debate on this bill, in which I PERD] would have voted for the bill, if his amendment had myself took a part, and in which I felt the deepest and prevailed? and might not the same be true of others? How strongest interest, I believe not one solitary word escaped easy would it be for the opponents of a bill to destroy any me, at which criticism itself could take exception, as want- measure whatever, by refusing those amendments which ing in respect to the House. I have ever pursued one uni- would make it acceptable. The principle of the bill was form course on this floor. When the final question was not settled by the vote. The gentleman from Pennsylvania about to be taken on this bill, without any knowledge what- had said that his objection was founded on the fact that no ever on which side of the question there might be most consent of the States was required. Others were opposed gentlemen absent, I presented a motion for a call of the to the bill, because it recommended the western instead of House, in order that the question might be fully and fairly the eastern route. The bill might have been amended so taken; and when the decision was announced, I felt, I con- as to leave the route open; and thus that objection would fess, highly gratified. I had scarcely ever in my life made have been removed. If the bill should be taken up, and a motion to adjourn, but it was then past three o'clock; and laid on the table, it would remain open to amendment at after the intense feeling and strong excitement which had the next session, and all that had been done would not be prevailed, the House was left in a state of apathy which, lost. If this was not an argument for reconsideration, he in my judgment, unfitted it to commence upon another did not know what argument meant. great subject which then came up; and, observing that enough had been done for glory for one day, I moved an adjournment. I had not the remotest conception of the imputation that would be attached to the remark. Nor could I so much as conceive that a mere incidental observation, made without a moment's thought, and in a good Mr. ELLSWORTH would detain the House but one humored manner, would be urged now as a reason for re- moment, while he replied to the gentleman from Virginia. considering a great national question, which had been grave- That gentleman had said that Mr. E. had not duly weighed ly decided after mature debate. I do not know if the gen- his arguments. He could assure that gentleman that it tleman from Pennsylvania alluded to me, when stating the was not from any want of attention, for he always heard reason which induced him to second the motion to recon-him with great delight; but the honorable gentleman would sider. (I now perceive from the motion of his head, that he did not.)

Mr. A. H. SHEPPERD explained the reason for the vote he should give. If the amendment which he offered had been adopted, he would have voted for the bill; but he was not inclined, for the remote contingency of obtaining his amendment, to vote for the reconsideration.

pardon him for considering the argument not entitled to so much weight as he seemed to suppose. When he said Sir, when this House is called upon to reconsider a vote that no arguments had been advanced, he meant that none which has passed, it is to be presumed that the reconsidera- had been adduced, which, in his opinion, were likely to tion is for some purpose; that it is to effect some object. have weight with the House. The gentleman said there But what is to be done in consequence of the reconsidera- were amendments to the bill, which might render it more tion now asked for? It seems to be avowed, on all hands, acceptable. He put it to the gentleman to say whether, that the bill is not to be acted upon at this session, but to if the vote to reconsider should prevail, it was intended be laid upon the table. Why, then, reconsider it? I can that amendments should be offered. If the House had well understand a motive for those gentlemen who are in agreed to the previous question, it was an indication that favor of the bill. They will, by this course, instead of a they wished for no further light. He would ask the genrejected measure, have it still open as an undecided ques-tleman a question. If the House, after argument, had tion. But as to those gentlemen who voted against it, and finally disposed of the question, ought it to be urged that the who tell us that they shall again vote against it, I confess that same question should be re-examined? He understood the I cannot perceive why they should go for a reconsideration. House as having made up its mind; and as for the claim of It cannot be a satisfactory reason, that one of the opponents victory, it moved him not a whit. If such a claim, on such of the bill claimed a victory. As far as that is referred a vote, gave gentlemen any pleasure, they were entirely to the remark used by me, I again disclaim all inten- welcome to enjoy it. tion of manifesting any thing like offensive exultation, or saying any thing intended to be insulting to the feelings of the minority; nor could such an imputation have grown out of the remark which I made, either from the matter or the manner of it, had not the feelings of the House been too highly excited to allow it to judge with coolness on any thing that passed. I think that gentlemen, on reflection, will feel the justice of this remark.

Mr. STERIGERE was willing to grant the reconsideration if the bill was not to be taken up again during the ses sion; but, from what had fallen from the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. MERCER] there seemed to be an intention to go into its consideration again this session. If so, he could not vote for the motion.

Mr. MERCER certainly believed that if the bill had taken a certain shape, it would have passed; but, as the Mr. MERCER, in reply to Mr. ELLSWORTH, observ-bill would be taken up next session, where it is left at this, ed, that he had understood that gentleman to say that the it would be sufficient now to reconsider, and lay it on the motion in favor of a reconsideration had not been support- table. It was now too late to introduce the amendments ed by a single argument; and though Mr. M. confessed him- which the bill required, and he should be in favor of letting self to be the last person in the House who ought to ex-it lie, and at the next session modifying it so as to leave to cept to such a statement, because it was possible that the the President the selection of the route from Buffalo to gentleman had considered what he had said as no argu- New Orleans. ment at all, yet he must be pardoned for insisting that ani argument, and one which he considered as convincing, had been urged. He would like to know why the bill had been committed to a Committee of the Whole; was it not for the purpose of amendment? Yet, when gentlemen were prepared with amendments to offer, it had been whispered to them by others in their neighborhood, "postpone

Mr. HEMPHILL concurred in the purpose of merely restoring the bill to the calendar, and letting it lie over until the next session. All he desired at present was this; he had no intention of pressing its consideration again during this session.

The question was then taken on the motion for reconsideration, and carried: yeas, 99—nays, 91.

APRIL 16 to 20, 1830.] The Army.--Death of Alexander Smyth.-Tea and Coffee.-Salt.

Mr. PEARCE then rose, and said, that, as something had been done for glory," though not as much as he could desire, he moved that the House now adjourn; but, at the request of several gentlemen round, withdrew the motion. The vote of reconsideration having placed the bill again at its third reading, to cut off any other motion, Mr. HUBBARD moved the previous question. Mr. STEPHENS moved to adjourn.

Mr. LECOMPTE demanded the yeas and nays on the adjournment; which being taken, the motion was negatived: yeas, 45-nays, 134.

The call for the previous question was not seconded, the yeas being 82, the nays 93.

Mr. SUTHERLAND then having obtained the floor, moved to lay the bill on the table; which motion prevailed: yeas, 94--nays, 88; and then (at six o'clock) the House adjourned.

FRIDAY, APRIL 16, 1830.

THE ARMY.

The House resumed the consideration of the resolution proposing a reorganization of the army, with a view to a reduction of the number of officers.

[H. of R.

would be sufficient to pay off the national debt as fast as it became due; and as the article did not come in competition with any domestic product, the duty was not necessary for protection. Further, the article was no longer one of luxury, but had become one of general and necessary use, and he for these reasons hoped the duty would be reduced to one cent. at the time proposed, and ultimately abolished altogether.

Mr. BURGES suggested the propriety of fixing the duty at two cents. This would be a very heavy reduction, and he thought would be sufficient for the present.

Mr. SEMMES said he would vary his motion, so as to strike out the two and a half cents, and leave the blank to be filled with two or one, as the House might decide.

Mr. INGERSOLL advocated the policy of gradual, not great and sudden reductions of duties. This was the reason why the Committee of Ways and Means reported in favor of two and a half cents, which was a reduction of one-half the present duty. This alone would probably take off a million of revenue, and, with the reduction on tea, would amount to a diminution of two millions of revenue. The best and safest policy, he argued, was a gradual reduction of duties. He feared the amendment, Mr. TUCKER, of South Carolina, made a number of the agitation of the question so long before its passage if pressed, would embarrass, perhaps defeat, the bill; and remarks adverse to the West Point Academy, disapprov-had already ruined many merchants. ing of its administration, the mode of appointing cadets, &c.; to illustrate which, he referred to the document lately reported from the department on the subject of the academy; which document he had not got through reviewing, when the hour expired. Adjourned to Monday.

MONDAY, APRIL 19, 1830.

DEATH OF ALEXANDER SMYTH. The Journal of Friday having been read, Mr. McCOY, of Virginia, rose, and announced to the House the decease, on Saturday last, of his colleague, [Mr. ALEXANDER SMYTH.] Mr. McC. said, the character of the deceased was too well known to need any eulogy from him, and he would content himself with offering the following resolution:

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take order for superintending the funeral of ALEXANDER SMYTH, deceased, late a member of this House from the State of Virginia.

The resolution was unanimously adopted, and Messrs. McCOY, ROANE, CLAIBORNÉ, ALEXANDER, TALIAFERRO, GORDON, and CRAIG were appointed the committee.

On motion of Mr. McCOY, it was also

Resolved, unanimously, That the members of this House will testify their respect for the memory of ALEXANDER SMITH, by wearing crape on the left arm for the remainder of the present session.

Resolved, unanimously, That the members of this House will attend the funeral of the late ALEXANDER SMYTH, this day at twelve o'clock.

TUESDAY, APRIL 20, 1830.

TEA AND COFFEE.

The House then took up the bill to reduce the duty on tea and coffee, with the amendment reported thereto to the Committee of the Whole.

The amendment respecting tea was concurred in. The amendment fixing the duty on coffee at two and a half cents a pound after the 31st December, 1831, coming up,

merits of the question, when he offered his amendment, Mr. SEMMES had abstained from going fully into the As it was opposed, however, he would offer a few reasupposing that every one was ready to vote on the subject. sons, more at large, in favor of his amendment. He did so, and avowed that he had himself been in favor of a total abolition of the duty, for the reasons briefly stated above; but had yielded to the suggestions of some members who were practical merchants, and who thought the total removal of the duty might afford opportunity for frauds, &c., and he had accordingly agreed to keep on a duty of one cent. He was in favor of repealing the duty on all articles which do not come in competition with domestic productions.

The question on striking out two and a half was decided in the negative: yeas, 70--nays, 81.

Mr. TAYLOR, of New York, then moved to strike out the half cent, so as to leave the duty two cents. This motion prevailed: yeas, 96.

Mr. SEMMES then moved to insert an amendment to reduce the duty to one cent at the expiration of a year after the duty of two cents should go into operation; and, for the first time, asked the yeas and nays. They were ordered; and

The amendment was agreed to by the following vote: yeas, 108-nays, 70.

Mr. REED,of Massachusetts, next moved to insert a clause to reduce the duty on cocoa to one cent per pound. The present duty is two cents; and [said Mr. R.] there were last year imported five million three hundred and thirty-one thousand pounds. The common price is only five cents a pound, so that the duty was a high one in proportion, and the article entered largely into the consumption of the poorer classes. He would not argue the question, but hoped the amendment would prevail.

ment, for one reason in particular; that as we import cocoa Mr. WAYNE, of Georgia, was in favor of the amendprincipally from the South American States, the reduction of the duty would tend to increase our commercial intercourse with those countries.

The amendment was agreed to without a division.

SALT.

Mr. CONNER, of North Carolina, now renewed the

Mr. SEMMES, of Maryland, moved to amend the amendment, by striking out two and a half cents, and inserting one cent as the duty. This duty [said Mr. S.] motion which he had made in Committee of the Whole, was not necessary for revenue, as, under any modification modified agreeably to the proposition then also made by of the tariff that was likely to take place, the revenue his colleague [Mr. BARRINGER] to reduce the duty on im

H. of R.]

Organization of the Army.

[APRIL 20, 1830.

ported salt, first to fifteen cents, and at a stipulated pe- gentleman seemed to believe. Mr. T. said, he would ask riod thereafter to ten cents a bushel; and he demanded the the gentleman from New York to say whether he did or yeas and nays on the question.

did not believe that as many as one-third of the cadets who had been admitted into this institution were sons or near relations of the characters embraced in the resolution Mr. GORHAM was opposed to trying this often debat- which called on the Secretary of War for this report; and ed and long contested question of a diminution or aboli-if not one-third, then to say what proportion he does betion of the salt duty on this bill, which was of great im lieve. portance, had been reported unanimously, and received the general assent of the House, and might be defeated if this amendment prevailed, or was again debated at large. He, therefore, for the first time in his life, moved the previous question; but withdrew it at the request of

Mr. BARRINGER spoke at considerable length, and with earnestness, in support of the amendment.

Mr. BARRINGER demanded the yeas and nays on the previous question; which were taken, and the main question was ordered: yeas, 107--nays, 75.

The main question was accordingly put, (on the engrossment of the bill,) and carried, and the bill ordered to a third reading.

ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY.

The House resumed the consideration of the resolution calling on the Secretary of War to report a new organization of the army, with a view to a reduction of the number of officers.

[Here Mr. TAYLOR spoke in explanation.]

Mr. T. resumed his remarks, and said, if he had not understood the gentleman at first, in every particular, the gentleman's statement now is about the same in substance as he first understood it. But [said he] the gentleman Mr. McDUFFIE, who avowed his opposition to the salt from New York has been a member of Congress longer duty as one of the most odious and oppressive features of than he [Mr. T.] had, and he lived in the State where this the system by which the South was burdened; but, if the institution is located, and ought to know more about it amendment were adopted, it would not only embarrass the than he [Mr. T.] possibly could. Yet, he was bound to bill, but possibly defeat it. He hoped, therefore, the mo- believe that the gentleman was grossly mistaken. Mr. T. tion would be withdrawn, and not force a resort to the proceeded to say, that he had made some inquiry in relaprevious question, especially as there was a bill to come tion to this matter, and, so far as his inquiry extended, it up (which he named) on which the motion would be con- was demonstrable that he could not be mistaken in his views sistent and proper. of it. But [said he] the gentleman from New York [Mr. Mr. CONNER denied that the motion would embarrass TAYLOR] said, this is not a matter for us to settle; that or defeat the bill, because, if there was a majority for the it is a subject for the people to settle; that they are amendment, the same majority would pass the bill. He, the proper judges; and that, if there be any thing wrong therefore, for this and other reasons which he stated, but in it, they will correct it. Mr. T. said that he did most could not be distinctly heard, insisted on the amendment. heartily concur with the gentleman from New York, that Mr. McDUFFIE then moved the previous question, the people are the proper judges, and that they are much which was seconded by a majority of the House. safer and better judges of this matter than a few politi cians who are individually interested in it; and what Mr. T. wanted, and what he believed every other gentleman opposed to this institution upon its present principle, and also opposed to the having more officers in the pay of the Government than is really necessary, want to be done, is, for the whole matter connected with this institution to be published, and for every thing in relation to it fairly and plainly presented to the people in its true colors, and for them to judge of it, and decide upon its propriety and jus tice. It is on the people [Mr. T. observed] that he depended for the correction of all such abuses as he believes this to be. Mr. T. said, in continuance, that although the report fell far short of giving a full and plain account of this matter, yet, in his judgment, it contained information enough to prove to the satisfaction of the people that this policy was unjust and dangerous in a republican Government; at least, the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. DESHA] said that the cadets were educated at the public expense; Mr. T. said, if he understood the gentleman from New and what Mr. T. wished to add, was, that they are not York [Mr. TAYLOR] correctly, (and he believed he did, only educated at the public expense, but that they are also but, if he had not, he hoped the gentleman would correct paid sixteen dollars a month and two rations a day, for obhim,) that gentleman said that the report of the Secre- taining their education, making three hundred and thirtytary of War was a valuable document, in as much as it eight dollars a year that each cadet receives from the Goproves, conclusively, that out of two thousand some odd vernment, in addition to their being educated at the pubhundreds of cadets, who had been admitted into the West lic expense. Some gentlemen [said he] try to do away Point Academy, there were only fifteen or sixteen who this fact, by saying that this money goes to pay for their were sons of members of Congress; and it proved, also, board, clothing, and the like; but they cannot change the that the reports against that institution were groundless. fact, for they do get the money, [said he] or the same Mr. T. said, if this document proves such to be the fact, thing, as if it were paid to them in their own hands, and it proves that which is false. He did not charge the se- disposed of by them as they might think proper, in as much cretary of War with stating any thing that he knew to be as this money goes to pay for those things which the ca false; far from it; he believed that the Secretary had given dets would otherwise have to pay for out of their own all the information in relation to the subject that he could pockets, and which, in his judgment, they ought to do. get; but he was of opinion this document proves that some Mr. T. said, when this institution was first established, the of the officers of the institution had not done their duty: whole number of cadets and officers, all together, never that is to say, they had not given the Secretary of War as was to exceed twenty at any one time, and the cadets were much information in relation to this matter, as they ought to be instructed in the sciences which appertain to the du to have done, or should have been able to do, at least. ties of engineers, and not officers to command our armies. But [said he] there are some important facts contained in And what is it now come to? [said he.] The principle is this report, which, in his judgment, made the document changed; they are not only to discharge the duties of en of great value. So, whilst the gentleman from New York gineers, but they are also to command our armies; and he [Mr. TAYLOR] believed this document valuable, to answer believed that much more than one-half of the cadets who the purpose he seems to imagine, he [Mr. TUCKER] be- had been admitted into this institution, so soon as they lieved it to be valuable, to prove the reverse of what that acquired sufficient education to answer their purposes,

Mr. TUCKER concluded his remarks. He began by saying he should not have troubled the House at this time, but for the remarks of the gentleman from New York, [Mr. TAYLOR] and for the purpose of adding a few words to what had been said by the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. DESHA.]