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made the connexion of religion with morality, the basis of all true patriotism. Let us ponder his admonition, and pursue his counsels.

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integrity, the public and private virtue which the Sabbath will cherish and promote; give me the people that love the repose of this day, that honor the institutions of religion, and I will point my country to her best earthly hope in the hour of peril-to her surest stay and defence. I trust, sir, that we shall never graduate public worth by dollars and cents. Let us, by arresting this national profanation, reject the miserable pelf that is amassed by labor pursued on a violated Sabbath.

the Sabbath would diminish the amount of our profis, in proportion to the alleged loss of time, a very interesting question still remains to be solved-Will this be in any I trust that I have shown, upon the most satisfactory sense calamitious? I think not, sir. Let the benefits on human authority, and by the almost universal consent of the other side be calculated. What shall we have in exthis great community, that the first day of the week is a change? In the first place, the satisfaction of a peaceful consecrated portion of time : that so far as the laws of conscience-a treasure not to be purchased or redeemed the country can have efficacy, in any case, they have ef with money: in the second place, we shall possess a mofectually established the Sabbath day, as a day of rest from ral excellence as a people, a thousand fold more valuable labor. Now, sir, I hope that the argument for its pre-than all the wealth and splendors of commercial greatservation will not be impaired by showing that the dic-ness. Yes, Mr. President, grant me the intelligence and tates of policy and the sanctions of religion alike maintain its importance. I insist, with deference, that the reasons which have been suggested for Sabbath Mails are not satisfactory. Sir, it is said that the discontinuance of them would induce private expresses on that day, and that this would only increase the evil. This graduating of moral evil forms but a miserable apology. I ask, what have we to do with the probable increase or diminution of vi. cious or criminal practices amongst individuals, in a simple inquiry-whether we shall, as a Christian people, ac- It may be enquired wherefore it is that our citizens knowledge or preserve a Sabbath-whether we shall, by have remained so long quiet on this subject. You are our own conduct, countenance an institution of most salu-aware, sir, that unavailing efforts have been heretofore tary tendencies, or by our example break down its au- made. But the evils have become more palpable in later thority and rob it of all its energies? Let us do right, years. The rapid increase of our population—the emerand leave the consequences of personal violations of duty gencies of business-the rush of trade in all its various to those who may dare to encounter them. But, Sir, branches, with facilities of intercourse, have multiplied private expresses are subject to State laws, and would the encroachments on the Sabbath to such alarming exbe controlled by their authority—while your mail stages tent, that unless some check be interposed, there is good claim an exemption (a doubtful one, certainly,) that is reason to fear we shall in a very few years remember this not reached by State prohibitions. Moreover, the exam- day only in the melancholy spectacle of its universal deseple of the General Government is far more demoralizing cration. It will be an era of portentous import. Sir, than scores of private messengers. It goes down to the this day is the agis of a republican and free people. It people with all the weight of authority, and exerts a tre- is the poor man's friend, It elevates him and his family, mendous influence. by promoting decency of manners, neatness, and order. Mr. President, our constituents look up here for cor- It is the only time which the necessities of his condition rect moral lessons-they wait to hear of laws that will and the constitution of society spare to him for rest and terrify the evil doer-that will cherish those great inter-reflection; and hence every inroad upon its sacredness ests of religion and morality, which Washington instruct ed them to regard as the only sure foundation of political prosperity and what, sir, will be their emotions, when they learn that this august body rejects their sup plications, and decrees that servile and worldly labor shall be done on every day of the week, the commands of God to the contrary notwithstanding Every good man will hang his head in despondency; infidelity will ring her triumphs, and the cause of God and the country severely suffer in the discomfiture. Therefore, I have contended, Mr. President-the Sabbath was made for man-not to that, if we must witness the violations of the Sabbath, let be contemned and forgotten-the constitution of his nathe guilt of them rest upon individuals, but let the Go-ture requires just such a season. It is identified with his vernment be clear.

is a direct attack upon his best privilege. I believe, sir, that the grand Adversary of our race, could he be permitted to select the single object, would strike the blow at this divine institution. He would say, resign to me this great moral lever-let my votaries drive on the pursuit of business, the schemes of enterprise and ambition, without interruption-let there be no time for man to reflect, to gather in his thoughts, to review his life, or to consider his origin and his destiny-and I desire no more.

pursuits, and his moral tendencies. God has ordained it All these State regulations would be quickened into in infinite benevolence. The reason for its institution, as active enforcement by your example. You have hitherto recorded in his word, was his own example. It began paralyzed their influence, and many of them are become with creation. The first week of time was blessed with lifeless enactments. But should we speak out firmly-a Sabbath. The garden of Eden would not have smiled should we arrest our own profanation—it would awaken in all its loveliness, had not the light of this day shone vigilance in all the State Governments, and we might upon it. Blot it out, and the hope of this world is extinhope very soon to behold our whole country in the en- guished. When the whirlwind raged in France, how joyment of a tranquil Sabbath. was it, sir? They could not carry their measures of teAgain, sir, the plea has been made, that if the mai! rocity and blood, while this last palladium of virtue reshould be stopped every Sabbath day, the transmission mained: Desolation seemed to pause in its course, its of earlier information by other modes would be effect-waves almost subsided : when the spirit of evil struck this ed, to the injury of those who rely on the mail for advices. Why, sir, intelligence is communicated now, by expresses, with far greater despatch than by your conveyance, and will continue to be so, whenever the occasion calls for extraordinary rapidity. Recollect the speed of the late Message. It flew as on the wings of the wind-it laughed at the progress of your mail. This is an objection, therefore, without any foundation in fact. But suppose it true: I wait for the evidence that any earlier information thus obtained_ever contributes to the welfare of the merchant or manufacturer. No, sir, I be- | lieve it to be blighted with a curse on its way, which, whether seen or not, actually and certainly attends it. Let it be granted that the suspension of our business on

hallowed day from the Calendar, and enacted a decade to the Goddess of Reason-after which the bosom swept all before it.

Our own experience must satisfy us that it is essential to the welfare of our condition. Put the mind to any action of its powers-let its energies be exerted incessantly, with no season for abstraction and repose, and it would very soon sink under a task so hostile to its nature: it would wear out in such hard service. So let the pursuits of business constantly engage our speculations, and the whole year become one unvaried calculation of profit and loss, with no Sabbath to open an hour for the return of higher and nobler feelings, and the heart will become the victim of a cold and debasing selfishness, and hav

these causes.

greater susceptibility than the nether millstone. And if of our example in its influence upon the kingdoms of in matters that are lawful, such consequences would is- the old world. We have been greatly useful to them in sue, what will be the results of a constant, unbroken pro- the illustrations furnished by our history of the principles gression in vice! Sir, I tremble at the prospect for my of civil liberty. The mass of their people begin to uncountry. If this barrier against the augmenting flood of derstand the true object of government. Until our polievil be prostrated, all your penalities and prisons will optical career commenced, power had long taught its subpose an utterly inefficient check. Irreligion will attain to jects that this was a mysterious machinery, to be approach. a magnitude and hardihood that will scorn the restraints ed by no vulgar hand, and scrutinized by no common of your laws. Law, sir! of what avail can this be against eye. We have broken the spell for them, and men have the corrupted sentiment of a whole people? Let us learned the value of freedom. We have taught them that weigh the interesting truth-that a free people can only personal liberty, security, and property are inalienable flourish under the control of moral causes; and it is the rights, that are to be protected and cherished, but which Sabbath which gives vigor, and energy, and stability to cannot be impaired or destroyed by human governments. The nation expects that the standard of They are prepared to receive from us instructive examsound principles will be raised here. Let us give it a ples on the efficacy of a sound moral code in sustaining commanding elevation. Let its tone be lofty. It is in these interests. this way we should expect to excit the enthusiasm of patriotism, or any other virtue. When we would awaken in our youth the spirit of literary emulation, we spread out to their vision a rugged path and a difficult ascent, and raise the prize of fame high above the reach of any pursuit, but an ardent, laborious, and vigorous reach of effort. If we would enkindle the love of country, we do not humble her claims to a miserable posture, just above downright indifference-but we point to a devoted Leonidas, and the brighest names of the scroll, and thus urge our youth onward and upward. Let, us, then, sir, be as wise and faithful in the cultivation of sound moral principles.

I am persuaded that we shall not be deterred by the absurd imputation of a design to tyrannize over the consciences and rights of men. Sir, this charge is most unseasonable in an age of greater moral and intellectual light than the world has ever seen. It is, indeed, a strange engine of oppression. In all past time, to hold men in bondage it was found necessary to keep them in ignorance but here is "a dangerous party," which some affect to fear, that none but tyrants have ever dreaded be fore. A party whose labors are spreading the means of general information; whose philanthropy is engaged in enlightening the ignorant and reclaiming the deluded, whose charities have penetrated the abodes of the conMr. President I firmly believe that the repeal of this vict and opened a ray of hope even to him; and such single section, and the suspension of the mail, would exert men are assailed and summoned to a defence of such conthe happiest influence. It would call up public attention.duct. I will not attempt the serious refutation of a groundIt would present the claims of the Sabbath with such less charge. I dismiss it, with this bare statement of its force of interest and weight of influence, as would, I character. hope, establish and perpetuate it as an effective defence I ask for the demonstration of a fair experiment-this around our free institutions. The mail arrested, and the we can make without harm. Many of our constituents post office closed on Sunday, by the solemn authority of (and they are, permit me to say, among the best friends Congress! Who can fail to perceive the noble impulse and purest patriots of the country) believe that such a that would be given. Sir, this would correct all false consecration of this day is fraught with signal blessings to and degrading estimates of this sacred day-it would al- all our interests, as a free people. They are a part of most of itself form a public sentiment. The floods of this nation, whose opinions upon any other subject would vice and infidelity would be stayed in their course. Such be respected. Grant them a practical exposition of their high example would silence the cavils of the profane-principles; and whenever we shall have suffered by a reAnd this, as I understand it, is the true old fashioned way peal of this offensive law-when it shall be seen that it to popularity. It is not that sickly principle, which flat- has been in any degree disastrous to our public or inditers public vices, and connives at national sins-but |vidual prosperity, we may return to the practice of im. which, in the purity of its purposes, dares to rebuke piety, and proclaim abroad, that for a Christian People them, and by wise and wholesome measures to correct to regard the authority of God, and the repose of his them. Sabbath, is shown to be an injurious and unprofitable service.

Suffer me to urge, as a further motive, the tendency

TO THE REGISTER OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS.

TWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS-FIRST SESSION.

List of Members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.

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PENNSYLVANIA-William Marks, Isaac D. Barnard.
DELAWARE--John M. Clayton, (Vacant.)
MARYLAND-Samuel Smith, Ezekiel F. Chambers.
VIRGINIA-L. W. Tazewell, John Tyler.
NORTH CAROLINA-James Iredell, (Vacant.)
SOUTH CAROLINA-William Smith, Robert Y. Hayne.
GEORGIA-George M. Troup, John Forsyth.
KENTUCKY-John Rowan, George M. Bibb.
TENNESSEE-Hugh L. White, Felix Grundy.
OHIO-Benjamin Ruggles, Jacob Burnet.

LOUISIANA-Josiah S. Johnston, Edward Livingston.
INDIANA-William Hendricks, James Noble.
MISSISSIPPI-Powhatan Ellis, (Vacant.)
ILLINOIS-Elias K. Kane, John McLane.
ALABAMA-John McKinley, William R. King.
MISSOURI-David Barton, Thomas H. Benton.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MAINE--John Anderson, Samuel Butman, Geo. Evans, Rufus McIntire, James W. Ripley, Joseph F. Wingate..6. (one vacant.)

NEW HAMPSHIRE-John Brodhead, Thomas Chandler, Joseph Hammons, Jonathan Harvey, Henry Hubbard, John W. Weeks.-6.

PENNSYLVANIA-James Buchanan, Richard Coulter, Thomas H. Crawford, Joshua Evans, Chauncey Forward, Joseph Fry, Jr. James Ford, Innis Green, John Adam King, George G. Leiper, H. A. Muhlenburg, Alem Gilmore, Joseph Hemphill, Peter Ibrie, Jr. Thomas Irwin, Marr, Daniel H. Miller, William McCreery, William Ramsay, John Scott, Philander Stephens, John B. Sterigere, Joel B. Sutherland, Samuel A. Smith, Thomas H. Sill...25. (One vacant.)

DELAWARE-Kensey Johns, Jr.-1.

MARYLAND-Elias Brown, Clement Dorsey, Benjamin C. Howard, George E. Mitchell, Michael C. Sprigg, Benedict I. Semmes, Richard Spencer, George C. Washington, Ephraim K. Wilson.-9.

VIRGINIA-Mark Alexander, Robert Allen, William Barbour, J. T. Boulding, Richard Coke, Jr. Nathaniel H. S. Archer, William Armstrong, John S. Barbour, Philip P. Claiborne, Robert B. Craig, Philip Doddridge, Thomas Davenport, William F. Gordon, Lewis Maxwell, Charles F. Mercer, William McCoy, Thomas Newton, John Roane, Alexander Smyth, Andrew Stevenson, John Taliaferro, James Trezvant.-29.

NORTH CAROLINA-Willis Alston, Daniel L. Barringer, Samuel P. Carson, H. W. Conner, Edmund Deberry, Edward B. Dudley, Thomas H. Hall, Robert Potter, William B. Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Jesse Speight, Lewis Williams.-12. (One vacant.)

SOUTH CAROLINA-Robert W. Barnwell, James Blair, John Campbell, Warren R. Davis, William Drayton, William D. Martin, George McDuffie, William Ť. Nuckolls, Starling Tucker.-9.

GEORGIA-Thomas F. Foster, Charles E. Haynes, Richard H. Wilde, James M. Wayne.-7. Wilson Lumkin, Henry G. Lamar, Wiley Thompson,

KENTUCKY-James Clark, N. D. Coleman, Thomas MASSACHUSETTS-John Bailey, Isaac C. Bates, B. John Kinkaid, Joseph Lecompte, Chittenden Lyon, RoChilton, Henry Daniel, Nathan Gaither, R. M. Johnson, W. Crowninshield, John Davis, Henry W. Dwight, Ed-bert P. Letcher, Charles A. Wickliffe, Joel Yancey.--12. ward Everett, Benjamin Gorham, George Grennell, Jr. James L. Hodges, Joseph G. Kendall, John Reed, Jo-Robert Desha, Jacob Isaacs, Cave Johnson, Pryor Lea, seph Richardson, John Varnum.—13.

RHODE ISLAND-Tristam Burges, Dutee J. Pearce..2. CONNECTICUT-Noyes Barber, Wm. W. Ellsworth, J. W. Huntington, Ralph J. Ingersoll, W. L. Storrs, Eben. Young.-6.

VERMONT-William Cahoon, Horace Everett, Jonathan Hunt, Rollin C. Mallary, Benjamin Swift.-5.

NEW YORK-William G. Angel, Benedict Arnold, Thomas Beekman, Abraham Bockee, Peter I. Borst, C. C. Cambreleng, Jacob Crocheron, Timothy Childs, Henry B. Cowles, Hector Craig, Charles G. Dewitt, John D. Dickinson, Jonas Earll, Jr. George Fisher, Isaac Finch, Michael Hoffman, Joseph Hawkins, Jehiel H. Halsey, Perkins King, James W. Lent, John Magee, Henry C. Martindale, Robert Monell, Thomas Maxwell, E. F. Norton, Gershom Powers, Robert S. Rose, Henry R. Storrs, James Strong, Ambrose Spencer, John W. Taylor, Phineas L Tracy, Gulian C. Verplanck, Campbell P. White.-34. NEW JERSEY-Lewis Condict, Richard M. Cooper, Thomas H. Hughes, Isaac Pierson, James F. Randolph, Samuel Swann.-6.

VOL. VI-A.

TENNESSEE-John Blair, John Bell, David Crockett,

James K. Polk, James Standifer.--9.

ton, James Findlay, John M. Goodenow, Wm. W. Irwin, OHIO--Mordecai Bartley, Jos. H. Crane, Wm. Creigh. Wm. Kennon, Wm. Russell, William Stanberry, James Shields, John Thomson, Joseph Vance, Samuel F. Vinton, Elisha Whittlesey.-14.

ward D. White.--3. LOUISIANA--Henry H. Gurley, W. H. Overton, Ed

INDIANA--Ratliff Boon, Jonathan Jennings, John

Test.--3.

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21st Cox. 1st Sess.]

Message of the President, at the opening of the Session.

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT,

TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS.

[SEN. and H. of RIPS.

of the policy which the present Cabinet of Great Britain designs to pursue towards this country, I indulge the hope that it will be of a just and pacific character; and if

At the commencement of the First Session of the this anticipation be realized, we may look with confidence

Twenty first Congress.

DECEMBER 8, 1829.

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate

and of the House of Representatives:

to a speedy and acceptable adjustment of our affairs.

Under the Convention for regulating the reference to arbitration of the disputed points of boundary, under the fifth article of the Treaty of Ghent, the proceedings have hitherto been conducted in that spirit of candor and libe. rality which ought ever to characterize the acts of sovereign States, seeking to adjust, by the most unexceptionIt affords me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings able means, important and delicate subjects of contention. to you on the occasion of your assembling at the Seat of The first statements of the parties have been exchanged, Government, to enter upon the important duties to which and the final replication, on our part, is in a course of you have been called by the voice of our countrymen. preparation. This subject has received the attention deThe task devolves on me, under a provision of the Con-manded by its great and peculiar importance to a patriestitution, to present to you, as the Federal Legislature of tic member of this Confederacy. The exposition of our twenty-four sovereign States, and twelve millions of hap- rights, already made, is such as, from the high reputation py people, a view of our affairs; and to propose such of the commissioners by whom it has been prepared, we measures as, in the discharge of my official functions, had a right to expect. Our interests at the court of the have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the Sovereign who has evinced his friendly disposition, by objects of our Union. assuming the delicate task of arbitration, have been com mitted to a citizen of the State of Maine, whose charac ter, talents, and intimate acquaintance with the subject, eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust. With full confidence in the justice of our cause, and in the probity, intelligence, and uncompromising independence of the illustrious arbitrator, we can have nothing to apprehend from the result.

In communicating with you, for the first time, it is, to me, a source of unfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual gratulation and devout thanks to a benign Providence, that we are at peace with all mankind, and that our country exhibits the most cheering evidence of general wel fare and progressive improvement. Turning our eyes to other Nations, our great desire is to see our brethren of the human race secured in the blessings enjoyed by ourselves, and advancing in knowledge, in freedom, and in social happiness.

Our foreign relations, although in their general character pacific and friendly, presents subjects of difference between us and other Powers, of deep interest, as well to the country at large, as to many of our citizens. To effect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the object of my earnest endeavors; and notwithstanding the difficulties of the task, I do not allow my self to apprehend unfavorable results. Blessed as our country is with every thing which constitutes national strength, she is fully ade quate to the maintenance of all her interests. In discharging the responsible trust confided to the Executive in this respect, it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that is not clearly right, and to submit to nothing that is wrong; and I flatter myself, that, supported by the other branches of the Government, and by the intelligence and patriotism of the People, we shall be able, under the protection of Providence, to cause all our just rights to be respected.

Of the unsettled matters between the United States and other Powers, the most prominent are those which have, for years, been the subject of negotiation with England, France, and Spain. The late periods at which our Ministers to those Governments left the United States, render it impossible, at this early day, to inform you of what has been done on the subjects with which they have been respectively charged. Relying upon the justice of our views in relation to the points committed to negotia tion, and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes our intercourse with those nations, we have the best reason to hope for a satisfactory adjustment of existing differences.

From France, our ancient ally, we have a right to expect that justice which becomes the Sovereign of a pow erful, intelligent, and magnanimous People. The be neficial effects produced by the Commercial Convention of 1822, limited as are its provisions, are too obvious not to make a salutary impression upon the minds of those who are charged with the administration of her Government. Should this result induce a disposition to embrace, to their full extent, the wholesome principles which constitute our commercial policy, our Minister to that Court will be found instructed to cherish such a disposition, and to aid in conducting it to useful practical conclusions. The claims of our citizens for depredations upon their property, long since committed, under the authority, and, in many instances, by the express direction of the then existing Government of France, remain unsatisfied; and must, therefore, continue to furnish a subject of unpleasant discussion, and possible collision between the two Governments. I cherish, however, a lively hope, founded as well on the validity of those claims, and the established policy of all enlightened Governments, as on the known integrity of the French monarch, that the injuri ous delays of the past will find redress in the equity of the future. Our Minister has been instructed to press these demands on the French Government with all the earnestness which is called for by their importance and irrefutable justice; and in a spirit that will evince the respect which is due to the feelings of those from whom the satisfaction is required.

Our Minister recently appointed to Spain, has been authorized to assist in removing evils alike injurious to both countries, either by concluding a Commercial Convention upon liberal and reciprocal terms; or by urging the acceptance, in their full extent, of the mutually beneficial With Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace and provisions of our navigation acts. He has also been inwar, we may look forward to years of peaceful, hon- structed to make a further appeal to the justice of Spain, orable, and elevated competition. Every thing in the in behalf of our citizens, for indemnity for spoliations upon condition and history of the two nations is calculated to our commerce, committed under her authority--an ap inspire sentiments of mutual respect, and to carry convic-peal which the pacific and liberal course observed on tion to the minds of both, that it is their policy to preserve our part, and a due confidence in the honor of that Gothe most cordial relations: Such are my own views, and vernment, authorize us to expect will not be made in it is not to be doubted that such are also the prevailing vain.

sentiments of our constituents. Although neither time With other European Powers our intercourse is on the nor opportunity has been afforded for a full development | most friendly footing. In Russia, placed by her territo

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21st CoNG. 1st Sxss.]

Message of the President, at the opening of the Session.

cannot be without a proper effect upon the councils of the mother country. The adoption, by Spain, of a pacific policy towards her former colonies-an event consoling to humanity, and a blessing to the world, in which she herself cannot fail largely to participate-may be most reasonably expected.

[SEN. and II. of REPS. rial limits, extensive population, and great power, high appearances strongly indicate, that the spirit of indepenin the rank of nations, the United States have always dence is the master spirit; and if a corresponding senti found a steadfast friend. Although her recent invasionment prevails in the other States, this devotion to liberty of Turkey awakened a lively sympathy for those who were exposed to the desolations of war, we cannot but anticipate that the result will prove favorable to the cause of civilization, and to the progress of human happiness. The treaty of peace, between these Powers, having been ratified, we cannot be insensible to the great benefit to be derived to the commerce of the United States, from The claims of our citizens upon the South American unlocking the navigation of the Black Sea, a free passage Governments, generally, are in a train of settlement; while into which is secured to all merchant vessels bound to the principal part of those upon Brazil have been adports of Russia under a flag at peace with the Porte. This justed; and a Decree in Council, ordering bonds to be advantage, enjoyed upon conditions, by most of the Pow-issued by the Minister of the Treasury for their amount, ers of Europe, has hitherto been withheld from us. Dur- has received the sanction of his Imperial Majesty. This ing the past Summer, an antecedent, but unsuccessful at-event, together with the exchange of the ratifications of tempt to obtain it, was renewed, under circumstances the Treaty negotiated and concluded in 1828, happily which promised the most favorable results. Although terminates all serious causes of difference with that Power. these results have fortunately been thus in part attained, Measures have been taken to place our commercial refurther facilities to the enjoyment of this new field for the lations with Peru upon a better footing than that upon enterprise of our citizens are, in my opinion, sufficiently which they have hitherto rested; and, if met by a proper desirable to ensure to them our most zealous attention. disposition on the part of that Government, important beOur trade with Austria, although of secondary impor-nefits may be secured to both countries. tance, has been gradually increasing, and is now so extended as to deserve the fostering care of the Government. A negotiation, commenced and nearly completed with that Power by the late Administration, has been consummated by a treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce, which will be laid before the Senate.

During the recess of Congress, our diplomatic relations with Portugal have been resumed. The peculiar state of things in that country caused a suspension of the recognition of the Representative who presented himself, until an opportunity was had to obtain from our official organ there, information regarding the actual, and, as far as practicable, prospective condition of the authority by which the representative in question was appointed. This information being received, the application of the esta-j blished rule of our Government, in like cases, was no longer withheld,

Considerable advances have been made during the present year, in the adjustment of claims of our citizens upon Denmark for spoliations; but all that we have a right to demand from that Government, in their behalf, has not yet been conceded. From the liberal footing, however, upon which this subject has, with the approbation of the claimants, been placed by the Government, together with the uniformly just and friendly disposition which has been evinced by His Danish Majesty, there is a reasonable ground to hope that this single subject of difference will speedily be removed.

Our relations with the Barbary Powers continue, as they have long been, of the most favorable character. The policy of keeping an adequate force in the Mediterranean, as security for the continuance of this tranquillity, will be persevered in; as well as a similar one for the protection of our commerce and fisheries in the Pacific.

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Deeply interested as we are in the prosperity of our sister Republics, and more particularly in that of our immediate neighbor, it would be most gratifying to me, were I permitted to say, that the treatment which we have received at her hands has been as universally friendly as the early and constant solicitude manifested by the United States for her success gave us a right to expect. But it becomes my duty to inform you that prejudices, long indulged, by a portion of the inhabitants of Mexico against the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, have had an unfortunate influence upon the affairs of the two countries; and have diminished that usefulness to his own which was justly to be expected from his talents and zeal. To this cause, in a great degree, is to be imputed the failure of several measures equally interesting to both parties; but particularly that of the Mexican Government to ratify a treaty negotiated and concluded in its own capital and under its own eye. Under these circumstances, it appeared expedient to give to Mr. Poinsett the option either to return or not, as, in his judgment, the interest of his country might require; and instructions to that end were prepared; but, before they could be despatched, a communication was received from the Government of Mexico, through its Chargé d'Affaires here, requesting the recall of our Minister. This was promptly complied with; and a representative,of a rank corresponding with that of the Mexi can Diplomatic Agent near this Government was appointed. Our conduct towards that Republic has been uniformly of the most friendly character, and, having thus removed the only alleged obstacle to harmonious intercourse, I cannot but hope that an advantageous change will occur in our affairs.

In justice to Mr. Poinsett, it is proper to say, that my The Southern Republics of our own hemisphere have immediate compliance with the application for his recull, not yet realized all the advantages for which they have and the appointment of a successor, are not to be ascribbeen so long struggling. We trust, however, that the ed to any evidence that the imputation of an improper day is not distant when the restoration of peace and in-interference by him, in the local politics of Mexico, was ternal quiet, under permanent systems of Government, well founded; nor to a want of confidence in his talents securing the liberty, and promoting the happiness of the or integrity; and to add, that the truth of that charge citizens, will crown with complete success their long and has never been affirmed by the Federal Government of arduous efforts in the cause of self-government, and cna- Mexico, in its communications with this. ble us to salute them as friendly rivals in all that is truly great and glorious.

The recent invasion of Mexico, and the effect thereby produced upon her domestic policy, must have a controlling influence upon the great question of South American emancipation. We have seen the fell spirit of civil dissention rebuked, and, perhaps, forever stifled in that republic, by the love of independence. If it be true, as

I consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to bring to your attention the propriety of amending that part of our Constitution which relates to the election of President and Vice President. Our system of govern ment was, by its fran.ers, deemed an experiment ; and they, therefore, consistently provided a mode of remedy. ing its defects.

To the people belongs the right of electing their Chief

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