informed that part of the militia refused to obey the order. In the first place, I directed their own officers to give them positive orders to march, and informed them if they did not obey the Fourth United States Regiment would be sent to compel them. They still refused, and a part of the Fourth Regiment was marched to their station, and they obeyed.

This fact is proved by the testimony of Colonel Miller, of that regiment, and I have stated it to show, when I first took the command of these troops, the want of discipline and the mutinous spirit which prevailed, and that the authority of their officers was not sufficient to command their obedience, and that nothing but the bayonets of the Fourth Regiment could have the effect.a

He also states that 180 of the Ohio militia refused to cross the river at Detroit, "alleging as a reason that they were not obliged to serve outside of the United States."

The value set upon the militia by our opponents was shown by the fact that they permitted them to return to their homes, while the regulars were sent as prisoners to Montreal.

Instead of depressing our people, the aisagraceful close of Hull's expedition only strengthened their determination to expel the invaders and carry the war into Canada, the first step to be taken being the punishment of the Indian tribes in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.

As illustrating the reckless extravagance with which hostilities were carried on, one of the expeditions, set on foot for this purpose, deserves special mention. It was commanded by General Hopkins and consisted of 4,000 Kentucky mounted militia, who reached Fort Harrison' on the 10th of October, whence four days later they set out for the Indian villages on the Wabash and Illinois rivers. Once on the march the ardor of these troops began to cool and insubordination quickly followed; on the fourth day a fire on the prairie was mistaken for a ruse of the enemy; on the fifth day, totally ignoring the authority of their officers, the disorderly mass abandoned their general, and, retracing their steps, dispersed to their homes.

While these movements against the Indians were going on, preparations were made for collecting another army under General William Henry Harrison for the special purpose of effacing the stain of Hull's surrender. To this end volunteers, and more especially militia, came forward with the greatest enthusiasm and offered themselves in such numbers, that it became necessary to decline the services of the larger part, who returned to their homes grievously disappointed.

The militia of Kentucky and of Tennessee assembled at Louisville and at Newport; those from Virginia, at Urbana; those of Pennsylvania, at Erie. From these several points the troops were organized into three columns with a supposed total of not less than 10,000 men. Their first destination was the Rapids of the Maumee, a point that was not reached in this year's campaign, for no sooner had the several columns moved, than hunger, nakedness, and mutiny began the work of dissolution. The left column from Kentucky, when a few days out, was only prevailed upon to remain by the personal entreaties of the general and other officers. The middle column from Urbana, after a slight engagement with the Indians, refused to obey orders for a further pursuit, and deliberately returned to their camp. This ended the autumn campaign, though Harrison was not willing to acknowledge its failure, and proposed to continue operations by means of a winter expedition which led soon after to a painful defeat.

a Hull's Memoirs, pp. 34, 35.

About 2 miles from the present city of Terre Haute, Ind.

MILITARY OPERATIONS ON THE NIAGARA FRONTIER.

Our military operations along the Niagara River were as fruitless as those in the West. On the 13th of July, 1812, Gen. Stephen Van Rensselaer assumed command of the forces there assembled, mainly consisting of militia. An armistice concluded by General Dearborn, but disapproved by the Government at Washington, precluded active operations until nearly the end of August. How little, however, this armistice really interfered with General Van Rensselaer's movements may be inferred from the returns of his command, which showed an effective strength on the 1st of September of 691 men, "many of them without shoes, and all clamorous for pay."a

On the 12th of October his force, in the vicinity of Lewiston and Fort Niagara, consisted of 900 regulars and 2,270 militia,' and with this mixed mass-part iron and part clay-the regulars themselves being comparatively raw troops, he fought next day the battle of Queenstown.

General Van Rensselaer's plan was to begin the action by throwing across the river some 600 men, regulars and militia, under Col. Solomon Van Rensselaer of the militia. As there was, however, but one path leading to the water, the regulars, 225 strong, reached the boats first and crossed over alone, accompanied by Colonel Van Rensselaer. Fortunately for the detachment, this brave officer had formerly served with distinction in our Regular Army, and, though four times wounded, his coolness and skill never forsook him. Perceiving the dangerous position of his men, after their first engagement at the landing, he ordered them to charge, and a few moments afterwards their shouts of victory announced the capture of the heights.

In his narrative of the battle, entitled "The Affair of Queenstown," Colonel Van Rensselaer says of this charge:

Having thus accomplished the work with 225 men for which 640 had been detailed, nothing further was necessary for the full attainment of the objects of the enterprise than to secure the advantages gained.

The importance of dislodging these troops at once engaged the attention of General Brock, the British commander, who fell mortally wounded while leading an unsuccessful assault. In the meantime, most of the militia detachment which was to have taken part in the movement, as well as the remainder of the regulars, had crossed the Niagara and reached the heights. The rest of the militia on our side of the river, although ordered and implored by their commander, absolutely refused to cross over, under the plea that according to the Constitution of the United States they could only be called out to resist an "invasion." After having stormed and captured the enemy's batteries and repulsed his efforts to regain them, our troops stood for hours masters of the field, but the British being largely reenforced made another attack about 4 p. m., retook the heights and drove our troops down to the river, where for want of boats they were forced to surrender. According to the figures at the Adjutant-General's Office, our loss was 250 killed and wounded and 700 prisoners. Of the killed and wounded, 160 were regulars and 90 militia. The total force engaged did not exceed 1,000 men.

a Van Rensselaer's Affair of Queenstown, p. 10.

Return of Troops, Wilkinson's Memoirs, vol. 1, p. 580. e Van Rensselaer's Affair of Queenstown, p. 27.

The British loss was 16 killed and 69 wounded. Their total force was estimated at not less than 1,100, of which 600 were regulars and the remainder militia and Indians."

As a complete illustration of the weakness and danger of the militia system, the official report of General Van Rensselaer is quoted entire: As the movements of this army under my command, since I had the honor to address you on the 8th, have been of a very important character, producing consequences serious to many individuals, establishing facts actually connected with the interest of the service and the safety of the army, and as I stand prominently. responsible for some of these consequences, I beg leave to explain to you, sir, arfd through you to my country, the situation and circumstances in which I have had to act, and the reasons and motives which governed me; and if the result is not all that` might have been wished, it is such that, when the whole ground shall be viewed, I shall cheerfully submit myself to the judgment of my country.

In my letter of the 8th instant, I apprised you that the crisis in this campaign was rapidly advancing; and that (to repeat the same) "the blow must soon be struck" or all the toil and expense of the campaign go for nothing, for the whole will be tinged with dishonor.

Under such impressions, I had on the 5th instant, written to Brigadier-General Smyth, of the United States forces, requesting an interview with him, Major-General Hall, and the commandants of regiments, for the purpose of conferring on the subject of future operations. I wrote Major-General Hall to the same purport. On the 11th I had received no answer from General Smyth, but in a note to me of the 10th, General Hall mentioned that General Smyth had not yet then agreed upon any day for the consultation.

In the meantime, the partial success of Lieutenant Elliott at Black Rock (of which, however, I have received no official information) began to excite a strong disposition in the militia to act. This was expressed to me through various channels, in the shape of an alternative that they must have orders to act, or at all hazards they would go home. Iforbear here commenting upon the obvious consequences to me personally of longer withholding my orders under such circumstances.

I had a conference with as to the possibility of getting some person to pass over to Canada and obtain correct information. On the morning of the 4th he wrote to me that he had procured the man who bore his letter, to go over. Instructions were given him; he passed over-obtained such information as warranted an immediate attack. This was confidentially communicated to several of my first officers, and produced great zeal to act, more especially as it might have a controlling effect upon the movement at Detroit, where it was supposed General Brock had gone with all the force he dared spare from the Niagara frontier. The best preparations in my power were therefore made to dislodge the enemy from the heights of Queenstown, and possess ourselves of the village, where the troops might be sheltered from the distressing inclemency of the weather.

Lieutenant Colonel Fleming's flying artillery, and a detachment of regular troops under his command, were ordered up in season from Fort Niagara.

Orders were also sent to General Smyth to send down from Buffalo such detachment from his brigade as existing circumstances in that vicinity might warrant. The attack was to be made at 3 o'clock on the morning of the 11th, by crossing over in boats from the old ferry opposite the heights. To avoid any embarrassment in crossing the river, which is here a sheet of violent eddies, experienced boatmen were procured to take the boats from the landing below to the place of embarkation. Lieutenant Sim was considered the man of the greatest skill for this service; he went ahead and, in the extreme darkness, passed the intended place far up the river, and there, in the most extraordinary manner, fastened his boat to the shore and abandoned the detachment. In this front boat he had carried nearly all the oars which were prepared for the boats. In this agonizing dilemma stood officers and men, whose ardor had not been cooled by exposure through the night, to one of the most tremendous northeast storms, which continued unabated for twenty-eight hours and deluged the whole camps. Colonel Van Rensselaer was to have commanded the detachment.

After this result, I had hoped the patience of the troops would have continued until I could submit the plan suggested in my letter of the 8th, that I might act under and in conformity to the opinion which might then be expressed. But my hope was idle, the previously excited ardor seemed to have gained new heat from

• James's Military Occurrences between Great Britain and the United States, vol. 1, p. 97.

the late miscarriage, the brave were mortified to stop short of their object, and the timid thought laurels half wort.by the attempt.

On the morning of the 12th such was the pressure upon me from all quarters that I became satisfied that my refusal to act might involve me in suspicion and the service in disgrace:.

Lieutenant-Colonel Christie, who had just arrived at the Fourmile Creek, had, late in the night of the first contemplated attack, gallantly offered me his own and his men's services; but he got my permission too late. He now again came forward, had a conference with Colonel Van Rensselaer, and begged that he might have the honor of a command in the expedition. The arrangement was made. Colonel Van Rensselaer was to command one column of the 300 militia and Lieutenant-Colonel Christie a column of the same number of regular troops.

Every precaution was now adopted as to boats and the most confidential and experienced men to manage them. At an early hour in the night LieutenantColonel Christie marched his detachment by the rear road from Niagara to camp. At 7 in the evening Lieutenant-Colonel Stanahan's regiment moved from Niagara Falls; at 8 o'clock Meads's, and at 9 Lieutenant-Colonel Bloom's regiment marched from the same place. All were in camp in good season. Agreeable to my orders issued upon this occasion, the two columns were to pass over together as soon as the heights should be carried. Lieutenant-Colonel Fenwick's flying artillery was to pass over, then Major Mullany's detachment of regulars, and the other troops to follow in order.

Colonel Van Rensselaer, with great presence of mind, ordered his officers to proceed with rapidity and storm the fort. The service was gallantly performed and the enemy driven down the hill in every direction.

Soon after this both parties were considerably reenforced, and the conflict was renewed in various places. Many of the enemy took shelter behind a stone guardhouse, where a piece of ordnance was now briskly served. I ordered the fire of our battery to be directed upon the guardhouse, and it was so effectually done that, with eight or ten shots, the fire was silenced. The enemy then retreated behind a large storehouse, but in a short time the rout became general, and the enemy's fire was silenced, except from a 1-gun battery so far down the river as to be out of the reach of our heavy ordnance, and our light pieces could not silence it. A number of boats now passed over unannoyed, except by the one unsilenced gun. For some time, after I passed over, the victory appeared complete; but, in the expectation of further attacks, I was taking measures for fortifying my camp immediately. The direction of this service I committed to Lieutenant Totten, of the Engineers. But very soon the enemy were reenforced by a detachment of several hundred Indians from Chippewa; they commenced a furious attack, but were promptly met and routed by the rifle and bayonet. By this time I perceived my troops were embarking very slowly. I passed immediately over to accelerate their movements, but, to my utter astonishment, I found that at the very moment when complete victory was in our hands the ardor of the unengaged troops had entirely subsided. I rode in all directions; urged the men by every consideration to pass over, but in vain. Lieutenant-Colonel Bloom, who had been wounded in the action, returned, mounted his horse, and rode through the camp, as did also Judge Peck, who happened to be here, exhorting the companies to proceed, but all in vain.

At this time a large reenforcement from Fort George was discovered coming up the river. As the battery on the hill was considered an important check against their ascending the heights, measures were immediately taken to send them a fresh supply of ammunition, as I learned there were left only 20 shot for the 18-pounders. The reenforcements, however, obliqued to the right from the road and formed a junction with the Indians in the rear of the heights. Finding, to my infinite mortification, that no reenforcement would pass over, seeing that another severe conflict must soon commence, and knowing that the brave men at the heights were quite exhausted and nearly out of ammunition, all I could do was to send them a fresh supply of cartridges. At this critical moment I dispatched a note to General Wadsworth, acquainting him with our situation, leaving the course to be pursued much to his own judgment, with assurance that if he thought best to retreat I would endeavor to send as many boats as I could command, and cover his retreat by every fire I could safely make; but the boats were dispersed, many of the boatmen had fled panic-struck, and but few got off. My note, however, could but little more than have reached Gen. W. about 4 o'clock when a most severe and obstinate conflict commenced, and continued about half an hour, with a tremendous fire of cannon, flying artillery, and musketry. The enemy succeeded in repossessing their battery and gained advantage on every side. The brave men who had gained the victory,

exhausted of strength and ammunition, and grieved at the unpardonable neglect of their fellow-soldiers, gave up the conflict.

I can only add that the victory was really won, but lost for the want of a small reenforcement; one-third part of the idle men might have saved all.a

The above report shows plainly that Van Rensselaer, notwithstanding his evident good sense and ability, was compelled to forego his own judgment to escape charges of cowardice or treason, and to avoid seeing the whole campaign go for naught through the desertion of his militia; and further, that these troops by their insubordinate importunities forced him to give battle, only to abandon their comrades and disgrace their country when complete victory was within easy grasp. Unwilling to accept the true lessons of the battle, General Armstrong, in his "Notices," after expatiating on the violation of seven maxims of war as sufficient to explain the loss of the engagement, lays down, eighthly, a new principle, as follows:

The omission to ascertain, previously to the adoption of the project, the political sentiment of the militia on the question of invasion, and that of not promptly recalling the advanced corps after having ascertained that point, were errors of great magnitude.b

The next effort to retrieve the national reputation was made by General Smyth, who excited a temporary enthusiasm by the following flowery proclamation:

To the men of New York:

For many years you have seen your country oppressed with numerous wrongs. Your government, although above all others devoted to peace, has been forced to draw the sword and rely for redress of injuries on the valor of the American people. That valor has been conspicuous, but the nation has been unfortunate in the selection of some of those who directed it. One army has been disgracefully surrendered and lost; another has been sacrificed by a precipitate attempt to pass it over at the strongest point of the enemy's lines with most incompetent means. The course of these miscarriages is apparent. The commanders were popular men, "destitute alike of theory and experience" in the art of war.

In a few days the troops under my command will plant the American standard in Canada. They are men accustomed to obedience, silence, and steadiness. They will conquer or they will die. Will you stand with your arms folded and look on this interesting struggle? Are you not related to the men who fought at Bennington and Saratoga? Has the race degenerated? Or have you, under the baneful influence of contending factions, forgotten your country? Must I turn from you and ask the men of the Six Nations to support the Government of the United States? Shall I imitate the officers of the British King, and suffer our ungathered laurels to be tarnished with ruthless deeds? Shame, where is thy blush! No. Where I command, the vanquished and peaceful man, the child, the maid, and the matron shall be secure from wrong. If we conquer, we will "conquer but to save.

Men of New York, the present is the hour of renown. Have you not a wish for fame? Would you not choose in future times to be named as one of those who, imitating the heroes whom Montgomery led, have, in spite of the seasons, visited the tomb of the chief and conquered the country where he lies? Yes. You desire your share of fame. Then seize the present moment. If you do not you will regret it and say, "the valiant have bled in vain; the friends of my country fell, and I was not there."

Advance, then, to our aid. I will wait for you a few days. I can not give you the day of my departure. But come on. Come in companies, half companies, pairs, or singly. I will organize you for a short tour. Ride to this place, if the distance is far, and send back your horses. But remember that every man who accompanies us places himself under my command and shall submit to the salutary restraints of discipline.c

a Van Rensselaer's Affair of Queenstown, Appendix, p. 62.

Armstrong's Notices of the War of 1812, vol. 1, p. 19.

James's Military Occurrences between Great Britain and the United States, vol 1, pp. 391, 392; also Thompson's Late War, p. 82.