JONATHAN DYMOND.

That any human being, who has not forfeited his liberty by his crimes, has a right to be free,-and that whosoever forcibly withholds liberty from an innocent man, robs him of his right, and violates the moral law, are truths which no man would dispute or doubt, if custom had not obscured our perceptions, or if wickedness did not prompt us to close our eyes.

The whole system is essentially and radically bad: injustice and oppression are its fundamental principles. Whatever lenity may be requisite in speaking of the agent, none should be shown, none should be expressed for the act. I do not affirm or imagine that every slaveholder is therefore a wicked man; but if he be not, it is only upon the score of ignorance. If he is exempt from the guilt of violating the moral law, it is only because he does not perceive what it requires. Let us leave the deserts of the individual to Him who knoweth the heart of his actions we may speak; and we should speak in the language of reprobation, disgust, and abhorrence.

Although it could be shown that the slave system is expedient, it would not affect the question whether it ought to be maintained: yet it is remarkable that it is shown to be impolitic as well as bad. We are not violating the moral law because it fills our pockets. We injure ourselves by our own transgressions. The slave system is a costly iniquity, both to the nation and to individual men. It is mat. ter of great satisfaction that this is known and proved: and yet it is just what, antecedently to inquiry, we should have reason to expect. The truth furnishes one addition to the many evidences, that even with respect to temporal affairs, that which is right is commonly politic; and it ought therefore to furnish additional inducements to a fearless conformity of conduct, private and public, to the moral law -Essay on Morality.

GEORGE COMBE.

The race has never received justice from its European and Ameri can masters; and until its treatment shall have become moral, its capabilities cannot be fairly estimated, and the judgment against it is therefore premature. Besides, whatever be its capabilities, it was a henious moral transgression to transport it, by violent means, from the region where a wise and benevolent God had placed it, and to plant it in a new soil, and amidst institutions, for which it was never intended; and the punishment of this offence will not be averted, but aggravated, by losing sight of the source of the transgression, and charging the consequences of it on the negrocs, as if they were to blame for their alleged incapacity to glide gracefully into the ranks of American civilization. The negroes must either be improved by culture and intermarriages with the European race, or transferred to their native climate, before America can escape from the hands of divine justice. I am not sufficiently acquainted with the details of American social life, to be able to point out the practical form in which the punishment is inflicted; but if there be truth in the principles now expounded, I cannot doubt of its existence.

The alternative of incorporating the negroes, by intermarriage, with the European race, appears revolting to the feelings of the latter; while they also declare it to be impossible to retransport the blacks to Africa, on account of their overwhelming numbers. There is much force in both of these objections, but there is still greater weight in the following considerations:-that the white race is exclusively to blame for the origin of the evil, and for all its consequences; that the natural laws never relax in their operation; and that, therefore, the existing evils will go on augmenting, until a remedy be adopted, which will become more painful the longer it is delayed. If the present state of things shall be continued for a century, it is probable that it will end in a war of extermination between the black and the white population; or in an attempt by the blacks to conquer and exclusively possess one or more of the southern states of the Union, as an independent kingdom for themselves.-Constitution of Man.

JAMES CROPPER.

In judging of this scheme, we ought never to lose sight of two facts with respect to the enslaved Africans in the United States, in which the enormities of that free country have exceeded those of any other. The first is, that slaves are regularly bred for sale. The second, that, in many of the states, the laws affecting free blacks are of so vio. lently persecuting a character as to compel those who obtain their liberty to leave those states. From the former of these causes, instances must often occur, (from the state of morals in slave countries,) of fathers selling their own children!! From the latter has originated the colonization society; it arose out of those prejudices against color, and is a direct attempt to extend the same principle to transportation.

Why are slave-holders so anxious to send away free people of color? Because their slave institutions would be endangered by the competition of respectable free black laborers; and they dread still more their education and advancement in science. If they were desirous of serving the free blacks, they would instruct them at home, (not a few of them, but every one that they send,) and not send them in ignorance to a barbarous country.

GEORGE THOMPSON.

As the friend of Africa,—claiming to be as much the friend of Africa as he who directs his attention exclusively to that country, -as the friend of Africa, I say look to India. (Hear.) Would you give security to Africa, would you starve the man-stealer from her shores? Would you dispense with ships of war around her shores, and render unnecessary the outlay of immense funds now employed? Would you give security to that now harrassed, impoverished, and disembowelled country? Look to India. You may immediately bring your cotton, your sugar, your rice, from thence; and as sure as you import it into this country, so surely will you stop, imme

diately and for ever, the demand for slaves. (Applause.) And thus you are doing peacefully, and by most unexeeptionable means, without lavish expenditure, without embassies, without treaties, without congresses, without any violation, direct or indirect, of any existing treaty, you are doing that which cannot de done, if you look at Af rica only and forget India, without a vast deal of expense. Much time must clapse, much pains must be taken, many failures must be sustained, ere we can hope to see the plans that may be devised, however sapient the benevolence that originated, or active the energy that may work them, carried into successful operation. I say, therefore, look to India. If you can but render slavery so unprofitableunnecessary, and therefore unprofitable-as to put down the trade in slaves, then you immediately restore to the shore of Africa what she has not known for centuries-that peace of which she has been de prived by the christians of Europe. Then you can introduce com merce and civilization into Africa, without the fear of being thwarted in your plans by the superior temptation placed in the way of the barbarian chief, by the prowler and kidnapper along her shores; then you can dispense with your armed cruisers, your tenders and steamboats; then you may make treaties with the native chiefs, who will be gald, for they will be compelled to do so, seeing that you will be the only party before them, the other party having been dismissed from their shores by the operation of this most powerful and pacific principle; then will you extend the benefits of education.

We are paying every year from fifteen to twenty millions for the support of slavery; while, by looking to our own British possessions, we might obtain our articles cheaper; we might send to those dependencies a much greater amount of our manufactures; we might promote the prosperity of the parent empire; we might give employment to our starving and dissatisfied fellow-citizens at home; we might give peace and security to Africa, and proclaim the year of deliverance to the slaves of America.

WILLIAM BEST.

It is a matter of pride for me to recollect, that while economists and politicians were recommending to the Legislature the protection of this traffic, and senators were framing laws for its promotion, and declaring it a benefit to the country,-the judges of the land, above the age in which they lived, standing upon the high ground of natural right, and disdaining to bend to the lower doctrine of expediency, declared that slavery was inconsistent with the genius of the English Constitution, and that human beings could not be the subject matter of property. As a lawyer, I speak of that early determination, when a different doctrine was prevailing in the senate, with a considerable degree of professional pride.

CHARLES DICKENS.

Do we not know that the worst deformity and ugliness of slavery are at once the cause and the effect of the reckless license taken by these free born outlaws? Do we not know that the man has been born and bred among its wrongs; who has seen in his childhood husbands obliged at the word of command to flog their wives; wo. men, indecently compelled to hold up their own garments that men might lay the heavier stripes upon their legs, driven and harried by brutal overseers in their time of travail, and becoming mothers on the field of toil, under the very lash itself; who has read in youth, and seen his virgin sisters read descriptions of runaway men and women, and their disfigured persons, which could not be published elsewhere, of so much stock upon a farm, or at a show of beasts; do we not kuow that that man, whenever his wrath is kindled up, will be a brutal savage? Do we not know that as he is a coward in his domestic life, stalking among his shrinking men and women slaves armed with a heavy whip, so he will be a coward out of doors, and carrying cowards' weapons hidden in his breast will shoot men down and stab them when he quarrels? And if our reason did not teach us this, and much beyond; if we were such idiots as to close our eyes to that fine mode of training which rears up such men; should we not know that they who among their equals stab and pis. tol in the legislative halls, and in the counting-house, and on the market-place, must be to their dependants, even though they were free servants, so many merciless and unrelenting tyrants?

What! shall we declaim against the ignorant peasantry of Ire-, land, and mince the matter when these American task-masters are in question? Shall we cry shame on the brutality of those who hamstring cattle; and spare the lights of Freedom upon earth who notch the ears of men and women, cut pleasant posies in the shrinking flesh, learn to write with pens of red-hot iron on the human face, rack their poetic fancies for liveries of mutilation which their slaves shall wear for life, and carry to the grave, break living limbs as did the soldiery who mocked and slew the Saviour of the world, and set defenceless creatures up for targets! Shall we whimper over legends of the tortures practised on each other by the Pagan Indians, and smile upon the cruelties of Christian men! Shall we, so long as these last, exult above the scattered remnants of that stately race, and triumph in the white enjoyment of their broad possessions? Rather, for me, restore the forest and Indian village; in lieu of stars and stripes, let some poor feather flutter in the breeze; replace the streets and squares by wigwams; and though the deathsong of a hundred haughty warriors fill the air, it will be music to the shriek of one unhappy slave.-Notes on America.

Public opinion in the slave States, is slavery, is it not? Public opinion, in the slave States, has delivered the slaves over to the gentle mercies of their masters. Public opinion has made the laws, and denied them legislative protection. Public opinion has knotted the lash, heated the branding-iron, and shielded the murderer.-Ib.

FOREIGN REVIEWS-LON. EVANGELICAL MAGAZINE.

EDINBURGH REVIEW.

Every American who loves his country, should dedicate his whole life, and every faculty of his soul, to efface the foul blot of slavery from its character. If nations rank according to their wisdom and their virtue, what right has the American, a scourger and murderer of slaves, to compare himself with the least and lowest of the European nations, much more with this great and humane country, where the greatest lord dare not lay a finger on the meanest peasant? What is freedom where all are not free? where the greatest of God's blessings are limited, with impious caprice to the color of the body? And these are men who taunt the English with their corrupt parliament, with their buying and selling votes. Let the world judge which is the most liable to censure we, who in the midst of rottenness, have torn the manacles off slaves all over the world; or they who, with their idle purity and useless perfection, have remained mute and careless while groans echoed and whips cracked round the very walls of their spotless congress. We wish well to America-we rejoice in her prosperity-and are delighted to resist the absurd impertinence with which the character of her people is often treated in this country. But the existence of slavery in America is an atrocious crime, with which no measures can be kept -for which her situation affords no sort of apology-which makes liberty itself disgusted, and the boast of it disgusting.-No. LXI. Art. Travellers in America.

THE FOREIGN QUARTERLY REVIEW.

It is notorious, that, notwithstanding all the treaties which have been concluded between England and other countries for the abolition of the slave-trade, it is still carried on to an enormous extent, because, even if the governments were really sincere in their wishes to suppress this trade, their subjects were wholly averse to a step which they denounced as utter ruin to all interested in the colonies. They have therefore persisted in spite of, perhaps with the connivance of their governments; and in Brazil in particular, it has been officially declared to be out of the power of the legislature to put an end to the traffic.

Let England call on the governments of Europe not to allow the importation of colonial produce from any country where it can be proved that the slave-trade is still carried on, either with the sanction or connivance of the government, or in spite of it; such a measure would surely act as a check on the importation of slaves. Could that point be effectually attained, it might be hoped that the extinction of slavery itself would in due time succeed, as it has done in the British colonies.

LONDON EVANGELICAL MAGAGINE.

The United States of America present to the world one of the most extraodinary spectacles that can be conceived of by the mind of man. They are a huge moral and political enigma. We behold part of the population priding themselves on the peculiar freedom of their institu