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quently discovered that the world revolution had not broken out! I do not believe we need fear the world revolution. I believe it to have been as huge a miscalculation as Lenin's belief in the possibility of establishing Communism in Russia. At the present moment Russia is separated from the rest of the world by artificial barriers, erected both by ourselves and by the Bolsheviki. To undermine the Bolshevist Government, let light into Russia! Force a breath of fresh atmosphere into a country polluted by pernicious propaganda and the calculated incubation of class hatred and malice!

Encourage anybody and everybody, therefore, to enter Russian territory for whatsoever purpose, be it for trade, journalism, investigation of conditions, study of economics, or any other motive! Not only should people of every class, especially labor representatives, not be dissuaded from traveling to the "Socialist paradise," but I should like to see the editors of every pro-Bolshevist paper and the entire class of faddist "parlor Bolsheviki" granted a free passage and all facilities. Skaterti doroga!-as the Russians say. It is not so much the Bolshevist Government that should cry "Welcome to Russia!", it is our Governments.

BUT

SHALL WE TRADE WITH RUSSIA?

Personal ambition, individual enterprise based on the hope of profit and advantage-in other words, human nature must again be allowed play. At present the vitality of the intellectual classes has sunk so low as to affect them not only physically but mentally, but is it likely that a convalescent Russia will expel her foreign benefactors and prefer at some future date to be re-plunged into barbarism?

Moreover, the reëstablishment of free trading will inevitably be followed by the revival of the coöperative organizations, in whose hands the trade of Russia was rapidly becoming concentrated up to the time of the revolution. Free coöperation ended with the "amalgamation" of the coöperative unions into the Bolshevist Commissariat of Food. But this commissariat is so hopelessly incompetent that, despite the suppression of the coöperative societies, the Bolsheviki have frequently been compelled to fall back on the remnants of the latter, especially in direct dealings with the peasants. Thus the shell of the coöperative organization still exists, though its leaders pine in Bolshevist jails and are replaced by Communist Commissars with no interest beyond consolidating the political power of the Bolshevist Government. The memory of the coöperatives has always lived in the hearts of the people.

are pros BUT

OUT what about "dealings" with the Soviet Government? What are the and cons of trading? I fear that, as an Englishman, I may be misunderstood in speaking on this subject unless I explain that I have never discussed this subject with British ministers, neither have I had any part in determining the policy toward Russia which is now being followed by the British Government.

I do not believe that under present conditions in Russia any trade will be successful. The ruthless suppression of individual enter prise and commercial ambition has reduced Russian industry to almost complete stagnation. But one other thing is equally certain, we shall never get anything out of Russia until we begin trying.

It is universally maintained by every business man competent to judge of Russian affajrs that the first essential for the restoration of normal conditions in Russia and the resumption of commerce is the reëstablishment of the principle of free trading between individuals, and between the towns and villages within Russia. This is a condition which any trade commission to Russia is bound to insist upon.

STOLEN GOLD!”

UT the Bolsheviki will pay at first with gold," it is objected, "-stolen gold." Yes, the gold is stolen. But, stolen or not, I personally would rather see it safely put away in western European banks than distributed to hooligans, malcontents, and professional agitators, glad to get a well-paid talking job in foreign countries. There is not much of this gold anyway, and it can never be restored to the rightful owners until Russia is reëstablished and its Government is changed. One step toward achieving that end is to deprive the Bolsheviki of the gold wherewith to pay for foreign propaganda. Besides, amongst Russians, who are the people who cry loudest against taking "stolen gold"? As far as Europe is concerned they coincide largely with those elements who have never done anything against Bolshevism except talk, who have learnt nothing and forgotten nothing, who dream of the restoration not only of lost goods but also of their landed estates, and who are blind to the fact that for Russia's weal it may be necessary to reconcile themselves to

the sacrifice both of their gold and of their land. But go and ask those anti-Bolshevist Russians who are nearer events and have kept in touch with the Russian people. Without exception they demand the restoration of intercourse between Russia and western Europe. The Mensheviki and the Right Socialist-Revolutionary parties, whose leaders lie in Bolshevist prisons, have consistently demanded it.

For some time past it has been observable that the Bolshevist Party is segregating on the question of intercourse with "bourgeoiscapitalist" Europe into two opposing camps. The one section, led by Krassin and Lenin, favors this hateful but inevitable compromise. The other section, led by Apfelbaum-Zinoviev (of the so called Third International), Trotzky (War Minister), and Dzerzhinsky (of the Inquisitorial Extraordinary Commission), advocates world-revolution first and foremost. "No truck with bourgeois-capitalism!" they cry. These are the people who only "see red." They "see red" on a world-wide scale. To them Russia is nothing. They would rather have Russia torn asunder and utterly laid waste than see her weaned back to health and strength through the re-infusion of the "capitalist" spirit, by which they mean personal enterprise, industry, and ambition. How, I would ask, may we best combat the designs of these desperadoes-by the example of our own tried and tested methods, or by the artificial barrier which has kept the opposing factions together for more than three years and united them in a common bond of selfdefence?

FREE INTERCOURSE THE ANTIDOTE

HERE are a number of territories,

integral parts of the

Empire, which have thrown off the yoke of revolution and established separate independent republics. These states seek to reëstablish normal relations with Russia because they realize that Bolshevist tyranny is consolidated by being warred against and by being dammed up by artificial barriers. Russia may well be healed gradually from the periphery toward the centre as knowledge of the western world percolates into the interior. That this is so has been demonstrated already by delegations of Russian peasants from the regions lying adjacent to the Baltic States, appealing to be annexed by or taken under the protection of the latter.

It may well be that the Bolshevist Government, which seized power by violence, which rules by violence, and which preaches violence, must also come to an end by violence. Personally, knowing the Bolsheviki as I do from prolonged experience, I believe this ultimately to be the case. Events, however, have proved that this must be a matter for the Russian people alone, without our intervention or participation. But if such a débâcle were suddenly to occur, will not Russia's welfare be best served and our own interests promoted by having representatives on the spot to set in immediate motion along free and unfettered lines the economic apparatus that is to develop Russia's limitless natural resources?

Many people are misled by the offer of trade originating from Moscow. They conclude that it must therefore be of advantage solely to the Bolsheviki. Besides protesting that the Soviet Government has nothing to trade with except a little stolen gold (which is very true), they fear the Bolsheviki will use the facilities of intercourse for intensified propaganda. Yes, of course they will! But they won't get much more propaganda across than they do already. A few more stolen jewels may be smuggled into England enveloped in chocolates, or a bit more literature glorifying the Russian paradise may be shipped to Norway or other places in bales marked "flax," but what will their efforts to maintain this fiction avail them when free intercourse permits the whole world to see for itself? If Lenin really believes the capitalists are going to reconstruct Russia in order to accelerate the world revolution it is only one more gigantic miscalculation on his part. His whole régime, his whole policy-except in one respect-has been a series of colossal miscalculations. The exception was his correct assumption that the forces of lawlessness, discontent, and crime would always support an effort to establish his system. The surest way to dissipate darkness is by introducing light. The greatest compliment we can pay to Lenin is to fear him. If we on our part believe that the antidote to vicious revolutionary ideas lies in the truth of our own principles, if we believe in democracy, good-will, and free coöperation between free individuals, then let us thrust those ideas upon the Russian people through natural channels, confident that these principles cannot be contraverted or withstood by a petty group of fanatical and violent doctrinaires.

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VOLUME XLII

THE

WORLD'S WORK

JUNE, 1921

NUMBER 2

S

THE MARCH OF EVENTS

HALL we expect better times immediately? Better times meaning more business, fewer men unemployed, fewer passed dividends to the many thousands of investors, and in general more assurance of comfort of mind and body to the great masses of our population. Of course, we shall expect better times, but how soon depends in large measure on our own frame of mind.

In the recent discussions of the probabilities of the approach of better times, it has usually been assumed that their approach depended upon a reconstruction of Europe so that we should have better markets abroad, better credit for foreign trade, more equitable taxation, and similar things for which the public is anxiously looking to the new Administration in Washington. It is hard to overestimate the importance of what the new Administration does in these matters, as its activities are felt by all of us they are multiplied 110 million times. But it is easy to overestimate the effect of the Government's activities on any one person. In a time like this the old American attribute of individual energy is at a premium. To be the captain of one's soul and the master of one's fate is a greater virtue in bad weather than at other times. The answer to most people's problems in the present depression is not to be found in Washington but in their own brains

and in their own spirit. and in their own spirit. It may be impossible to add one cubit to one's stature by taking thought, but thought and energy will add to one's comfort and prosperity. It is because we have been an industrious people in the past that there has grown up what is well called the "American standard of living." It is by the same means that that standard of prosperity will be preserved.

We have come to look too much toward the Government to create ideal conditions for our activities and to settle our problems and ensure success. The men who made this country were of the hardy breed who counted upon their own efforts to bring success and who believed that the less government they had the better. It is that spirit which we need now. Depression or no depression there is more chance here and now for success than 90 per cent. of the world's population ever have. The thing to do is to summon up each one his energies and go at his own problem looking ahead and counting on himself.

If there were now, for instance, the spirit of endeavor that animated our population during the war, we could brush aside the difficulties which cloud our horizon and lend a real helping hand to Europe at the same time. A new infusion of individualism, confidence, and morale will do more for us as a nation than the Government can do.

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