VOLUME XLII

NUMBER I

T

HE foreign policy under the Harding Administration is rapidly taking form. First and foremost, we shall have no relations with the Russian Government which is supported by murder and dedicated to the overthrow of democracy.

And it is clear that, while the Administration does not object to a Congressional declaration that war no longer exists, the actual settlement of the war must be made in coöperation with the Allies under the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, although modifications, including the elimination of the League Covenant, are to be made. The important point, however, is that Harding has committed himself to a settlement under the existing treaty and in coöperation with the Allies. After this he commits himself to an effort to create some machinery to take the place of the League. The President's message and the informal note to Germany announcing that we agree with the Allies as to Germany's guilt in the war and the necessity for her making reparations to the full extent of her ability are efforts to provide an antidote for the weakening of the Allies' position which our attitude has caused.

In the meanwhile the State Department has announced that as long as we are not in the League we do not necessarily accept the League's decisions as binding, and that we intend to negotiate concerning our rights with any nation whose acts affect those rights, whether that nation is acting in accordance with the dictates of the League, the agreements of the Big Three, or on its own initiative.

It is, however, fairly clear that the new Administration, while refusing to use the League machinery, does, through the old channels of diplomacy, intend to maintain close and sympathetic relations with Great Britain, France, and Italy, and with these relations to take a more informed interest in world affairs -all of which affect us now more or less directly-than we ever have done heretofore. To do this, Mr. Hughes evidently intends to make a very strenuous effort to reorganize the diplomatic and consular services, not only in personnel, and continuity of service but also in their relations with the State Department. The reform in the State Department itself, headed by Secretary Hughes with Henry Fletcher and Robert Bliss as assistants, will mean more in giving morale and purpose to the whole service than any other single thing. Mr. Hughes's definiteness of mind and administrative ability are well known. Mr. Fletcher is the only man who ever rose through the grades of the diplomatic service to the rank of ambassador and his experience and that of Mr. Bliss cover many of the capitals of the world.

It is an encouraging sign that the new State Department is not on the defensive, merely trying to settle troubles that have arisen, but that it has already taken the initiative and is trying to direct the course of events into channels which shall be safe and beneficial to the United States-the only method by which diplomatic crises can be averted before they arise.