"Years later, Mr. Mann wrote: 'Even after this lapse of time I can not help
but think how majestic was the conduct of the Government of the pon-
tifical States in its bearing toward me when contrasted with the sneaking
subterfuges to which the other European governments had recourse in
order to evade intercourse with our commissioners.'

"How many of the other leaders of the Confederacy interpreted the Pope's
letter in the same way is not definitely known. Mr. Davis left no official
statement of his opinion on the subject. Mr. Benjamin, however, in a
communication to Mr. Mann, maintained that as a recognition of the Con-
federate States the letter was of little value, being only an inferential rec-
ognition, unconnected with political action or the regular establishment
of diplomatic relations, and that his address to Mr. Davis as president of
the Confederate States was merely a formula of courtesy to his correspond-
ent, and not a political acknowledgment of the fact.”
That Mr. Benjamin's interpretation of the letter was correct is shown by state-
ments made by Cardinal Antonelli to Mr. King, minister of the United
States to the papal States, by which it appears that the action of his holi-
ness was free from all political design, and was intended merely as an
expression of his wishes for the restoration of peace to the people of the
United States. (Mr. King to Mr. Seward, Sec. of State, Jan. 3, Jan. 15,
March 19, 1863, MSS. Dept. of State; Mr. Seward, Sec. of State, to Mr.
King, Feb. 9 and April 6, 1863, MS. Inst. Papal States, I. 69, 72.)

Delegation of the South African Republics.

b

The South African Republic, though classed as a semi-sovereign state, maintained diplomatic relations. Great Britain, the suzerain power, had at Pretoria a diplomatic agent, a title sometimes given to representatives to semi-sovereign states; and Portugal a chargé d'affaires. The Republic, on the other hand, sent to Europe in 1898 Dr. W. J. Leyds, who was accredited as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to various courts, and who was so received at Paris and The Hague, where he had permanent offices."

The relations thus maintained were, it is needless to say, conducted impliedly if not expressly under the limitations of the London convention of 1884, by which all treaties concluded by the Republic, except with the Orange Free State, were subject to the veto of Great Britain. By its ultimatum and declaration of war of October 9, 1899, however, the Republic impliedly declared itself independent, saying that it considered the presence of the British military force near its borders "as a threat against the independence of the South African Republic."a The idea of entire independence was afterwards more clearly expressed by the Presidents of the South African Republic and the Orange Free State, who, in their message to Lord Salisbury, of March 5, 1900, declared that the war was "undertaken solely as a defensive measure

a Rivier, Principes du Droit des Gens, I. 84; supra, p. 28.
The Statesman's Year Book, 1899, p. 1003.

Almanach de Gotha, 1900, pp. 793, 990.

d Blue Book, South African Republic, October, 1899, C.—9530.

to safeguard the threatened independence of the South African Republic;" that it was "only continued in order to secure and safeguard the incontestable independence of both Republics as sovereign international states," and to assure immunity to British subjects who had taken part with them in the war; and that "on these conditions, but on these conditions alone," were they "desirous of seeing peace reestablished in South Africa."a

In furtherance of the cause thus defined, certain delegates were sent abroad, for the purpose, as it was understood, of seeking both recognition and intervention. In Europe, prior to their coming to the United States, they were received at The Hague, first by the minister of foreign affairs and then by the Queen. They arrived in Washington, May 12, 1900. On the 21st of the month the Department of State gave out a statement, the first paragraph of which reads as follows:

"Messrs. A. Fischer, C. H. Wessels, and A. D. W. Wolmarans, the delegates in this country of the South African Republics, called to-day by appointment at the State Department. They were cordially received, and remained with the Secretary of State for more than an hour. They laid before the Secretary at much length and with great energy and eloquence the merits of the controversy in South Africa and the desire of the Boer Republics that the United States should intervene in the interest of peace and use its influence to that end with the British Government."

On the following morning the delegates were received by President McKinley at the Executive Mansion, the President's secretary being the only other person present at the interview. It was afterwards announced by the press that the President had confirmed the views set forth in the reply of the Secretary of State.

When the delegates arrived in Washington an announcement was made in their behalf through the press that they bore credentials as envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary from the Boer Republics, and the inscriptions on their cards so indicated. Their credentials, however, were not presented, and their reception by the President and the Secretary of State was altogether personal and unofficial. They afterwards travelled extensively in the United States

a Africa, No. 2 (1900). Lord Salisbury, in his acknowledgment of the message, March 11, 1900, quoted the phrases "incontestable independence" and "sovereign international states” as the text of his reply.

The statement then sets forth the reply of Mr. Hay, Secretary of State, which is given in full under the head of Mediation.

© May 23,1900, the delegates were entertained by Mr. Hay, personally and unofficially, at luncheon, it being his desire, as intimated in the public prints, to show appreciation of the courtesies of the Boer people to his son, Mr. Adelbert Hay, United States consul at Pretoria.

The delegates at no time offered to present their credentials, nor was the subject in any way referred to. (Mr. Hay, Secretary of State, to Mr. Breen, Nov. 2, 1901, 248

MS. Dom. Let. 613.)

and held public meetings, appealing to public opinion and invoking aid for their cause."

On May 21, 1900, the Senate by a vote of 36 to 21 adopted a motion to lay on the table a resolution to extend the privileges of the floor to the delegates as commissioners of the South African Republics. On the 29th of May the same body, by a vote of 40 to 26, decided to refer to the Committee on Foreign Relations a resolution of sympathy with those Republics.'

and Greece.

"As a crisis is approaching which must produce great changes in the situation of Spanish America, and may dissolve Special agents; to altogether its colonial relations to Europe, and as the South America geographical position of the United States, and other obvious considerations, give them an intimate interest. in whatever may affect the destiny of that part of the American continent, it is our duty to turn our attention to this important subject, and to take such steps, not incompatible with the neutral character and honest policy of the United States, as the occasion renders proper. With this view you have been selected to proceed, without delay, to Buenos Ayres. You will make it your object, wherever it may be proper, to diffuse the impression that the United States cherish the sincerest good will towards the people of Spanish America as neighbors, as belonging to the same portion of the globe, and as having a mutual interest in cultivating friendly intercourse; that this disposition will exist, whatever may be their internal system or European relation, with respect to which no interference of any sort is pretended, and that, in the event of a separation from the parent country, and of the establishment of an independent system of national government, it will coincide with the sentiments and policy of the United States to promote the most friendly relations, and the most liberal intercourse, between the inhabitants of this hemisphere, as having all a common interest, and as lying under a common obligation to maintain that system of peace, justice and good will, which is the only source of happiness for nations.

"Whilst you inculcate these as the principles and dispositions of the United States, it will be no less proper to ascertain those on the

a" Messrs. Wessels and Wolmarans to-day visited Mr. Roosevelt in order to pay their respects to him and to bid him farewell.

"In an interview to-day the Boer delegates said that they desired particularly to make it known that they neither asked, desired, nor expected intervention from any country. What they wanted, and what they had laid before the American Government, was a request that civilized warfare might be assured in South Africa. They had not suggested any plan for assuring it. . . . They declared, in conclusion, that Mr. Kruger was not seeking intervention in Europe." (London Times, weekly, March 14, 1902, p. 162, col. 4.)

See, as to the request of the South African Republics for the intervention of the United States, and the communication of the request to the British Government, S. Doc. 222, 56 Cong. 1 sess. See, also, S. Doc. 113, 56 Cong. 1 sess.; H. Doc. 618, 56 Cong. 1 sess.

other side, not only towards the United States, but in reference to the great nations of Europe, and to the commercial and other connections with them, respectively; and, generally, to inquire into the state, the characteristics, and the proportions, as to numbers, intelligence, and wealth of the several parties, the amount of population, the extent and organization of the military force, and the pecuniary resources of the country.

"The real as well as ostensible object of your mission is to explain the mutual advantages of commerce with the United States, to promote liberal and stable regulations, and to transmit seasonable information on the subject. In order that you may render the more service in this respect, and that you may, at the same time, enjoy the greater protection and respectability, you will be furnished with a credential letter, such as is held by sundry agents of the United States in the West Indies, and as was lately held by one at the Havana, and under the sanction of which you will give the requisite attention to commercial objects."

Mr. Monroe, Sec. of State, to Mr. Joel Poinsett, agent to Buenos Ayres, June 28, 1810, H. Rep. 72, 20 Cong. 2 sess.; Br. and For. State Papers (18121814), II. 1219.

May 14, 1812, a copy of these instructions was communicated to Mr. Alexander
Scott, who was sent as agent to Caracas. Mr. Scott was also advised that
the fact that the Venezuelan provinces had declared their independence
formed an essential difference between their situation and that of the
other Spanish provinces in America, but that until their independence
was "more formally acknowledged by the United States" it could not
materially affect his duties. His credentials were the same as those of
Mr. Poinsett. He was to inquire particularly as to the disposition and
ability of the Venezuelan people to maintain their independence. "Noth-
ing would be more absurd," declared his instructions, “than for the United
States to acknowledge their independence, in form, until it was evident
that the people themselves were resolved and able to support it." Mean-
while a friendly communication was to be preserved; and the ministers of
the United States at London, Paris, and St. Petersburg had been instructed
to make known to those courts that their Government took an interest in
the independence of the Spanish provinces. (See, for the full text of the
instructions, which are signed by Mr. Monroe, as Secretary of State, May
14, 1812, Br. and For. State Papers (1812-1814), II. 1220–1222.)
Instructions similar to those given to Mr. Poinsett and Mr. Scott, were given
by Mr. Clay, as Secretary of State, Sept. 6, 1825, to Mr. William C. Somer-
ville, as agent to Greece. (MS. Inst. Special Missions, I. 31.)

"Mr. Michael Hogan was appointed agent for commerce and seamen of the
United States at Valparaiso on the 11th Nov., 1820, and till the arrival of
Mr. Allen [the first minister of the United States to Chile, appointed Jan.
27, 1823] he performed the duties generally appertaining to a diplomatic
agency on the part of this Government, in Chile, from the necessity of
the case, but without any special authority or instructions to that
effect. *
* In the cases of Mr. John B. Prevost, Wm. Tudor, John M.
Forbes, and others, who received the same appointments as Michael Hogan,
as agents of commerce and seamen, before regular diplomatic intercourse
was established between the United States and the South American states,

*

these gentlemen received salaries from two thousand to four thousand five hundred dollars per annum each." (Mr. Livingston, Sec. of State, to Mr. Wayne, Feb. 25, 1833, 25 MS. Dom. Let. 258.)

"In 1823 consuls were appointed by Great Britain to the South American republics, and the various governments were informed that the appointments had been made for the protection of British subjects and for the acquisition of information which might lead to the establishment of friendly relations. The various consuls took up their appointments and acted, but were not gazetted. The earliest recognition [by Great Britain] took place in 1825." (Hall, Int. Law, 94.)

In 1816, when the acknowledgment of the independence of the South American colonies was under consideration, Mr. Monroe sent three commissioners, Cæsar A. Rodney, Theoderick Bland, and John Graham, in a ship-of-war, to visit the several colonies, inquire into the condition of things in respect to the probability of endurance of successful hostilities, and then report. These commissioners were not nominated to the Senate, though that body was in session when they sailed, but went exclusively on the President's nomination. Their expenses were not paid out of the contingent fund, but were met by a subsequent appropriation of $30,000 by Congress.

Schouler, Hist. of the United States, III. 28; President Monroe's First Annual Message, 1817; Mr. Adams, Sec. of State, to Mr. Hyde de Neuville, July 27, 1818, MS. Notes, For. Leg.; Am. State Papers, For. Rel. IV. 217–323. "Your letter of the 3d. instant has been submitted to the consideration of the President of the United States, by whose Hayti. direction I have the honor of stating that the measure solicited in the memorial to which you refer cannot be adopted in the manner proposed, on the part of the Executive Administration without inconvenience to the public interest. Letters of Credence to the "authorities of the Island of Hayti, with the address now many years 'assumed by them,' you are aware would be an explicit acknowledgment of those authorities, and if the example of the British Government formed a rule of authority for that of the United States, it is believed that no such letters of Credence have ever been issued by them.

"It is truly stated by the memorialists that at two different periods during the Life of Christophe, agents were dispatched by the Government of the United States, with a view to obtain justice, and if possible, indemnity for these injuries, but without success. A special agent was also sent after the fall of Christophe, to claim indemnity from the present existing rulers of the island, but with no more favorable result. A copy of the Instructions to this agent, so far as they relate to the claim of the Memorialists is herewith enclosed, together with his report of the execution of his agency, and the papers accompanying the same, which I request you to have the goodness after perusal to return to this Department. The President is however willing to order Commodore Porter to Hayti, and to instruct him to obtain an interview with the Chief of the Island or with his Secretary of State, and to urge the