Not counting the strike and lockout in Goldfield, . . . we had. 24 strikes in which approximately 15,500 members participated. Most of these strikes lasted two to six weeks, one nine weeks, two lasted ten weeks and longer, and the strike of the Tacoma smeltermen lasted over six months. . . . . Out of all these strikes. . . . two [those at Tonopah and Detroit] must be considered flat failures. . . . All other strikes ended either in compromise or in the complete attainment of what the strikes had been inaugurated for.1

The strikers at Schenectady made use of syndicalistic tactics which have been strongly advocated in the I. W. W. literature. "At two o'clock Monday," [December 10] it was reported," about 3,000 men struck. They did not walk out, but remained at their places, simply stopping production." Reports of this strike from I. W. W. sources give the impression that the American Federation of Labor bodies in Schenectady did much to block the efforts of the I. W. W. It was said that on December 12 the local Trades Assembly of the A. F. L. sent a statement to the press repudiating the I. W. W. and declaring that the A. F. L. was not concerned in the strike and that "as to any individual organization affiliated with the American Federation of Labor going out on a sympathetic strike, such action would result in the forfeiture of its charter." In both the Bridgeport and Youngstown strikes, according to St. John, failure

2

1 Industrial Union Bulletin, September 14, 1907, p. 7, col. 4.

The Weekly People, Dec. 22, 1906, p. 1. This paper is to be considered as virtually an I. W. W. organ between July, 1905 and September, 1908. After the latter date, of course, it backed the Detroit I. W. W.

3

Weekly People, Dec. 22, 1906, p. 2, col. 5. In the same column is a dispatch containing this statement: the general foreman of the turbine department was called upon to fill the places of the strikers; he said he would sooner resign than fill the places with other than 1. W. W. men. We may witness in the near future that foremen will join the I. W. W., and then-good-bye, capitalism!”

resulted from the alleged obstructive tactics of the American Federation. In both cases the loss of the strike is attributed to "the scabbing tactics of the A. F. of L." The strike of the Portland (Ore.) saw-mill workers in March and April is worthy of more than passing notice. On the first of March 3,000 men walked out on strike, for a nine-hour day and an increase in wages from $1.75 to $2.50 per day. It is not probable that any great proportion of these men were members of the I. W. W. at the time they went on strike. However, I. W. W. leaders soon came upon the scene and most of the strikers very soon joined the organization. The strike lasted forty days.

On account of the exceptional demand for labor. most of the strikers secured employment elsewhere and the strike played out at the end of about six weeks. [Nevertheless, the employers] were forced indirectly to raise the wages and improve conditions [and] . . . this strike gave much impetus to I. W. W. agitation in the western part of the United States.

3

The

During this strike the I. W. W. opened an employment office and a restaurant for the benefit of the strikers. I. W. W. reports of the duration of the strike and the number of men out may be exaggerated. John Kenneth Turner, in his "Story of a New Labor Union," says "that more than 2,000 were out for over three weeks.' The Portland saw-mill strike really marked the début of the I. W. W. before the public of the Pacific Northwest, and it was some

1 The I. W. W., History, Structure and Methods, p. 18.

2 Industrial Union Bulletin, April 27, 1907, p. 2, col. 4-5.

St. John, The I. W. W., History, Structure and Methods, pp. 17-18. A similar estimate is given in the Industrial Union Bulletin of April 27, 1907, p. 2.

4 Industrial Union Bulletin, loc. cit.

5 Industrial Union Leaflet No. 16, p. 1.

thing of a surprise to the community. The I. W. W. was promptly written up as a feature story for the Oregon Sunday Journal by John Kenneth Turner. The opening paragraphs of his article read:

Portland has just passed through her first strike conducted by the Industrial Workers of the World, a new and strange form of unionism which is taking root in every section of the United States, especially in the West. The suddenness of the strike and the completeness of the tie-up are things quite unprecedented in this part of the country. These conditions did not merely happen-they came as direct results of the peculiar form and philosophy of the movement that brought the strike into being. "If the street-car men had been organized under our motto, together with all other A. F. of L. men, the streetcar strike would have lasted ten minutes," says Organizer Fred Heslewood. The boast is not an extravagant one. Wherever the Industrial Workers of the World are organized they can paralyze industry at almost the snap of a finger. It is the way they work.

"Well, you've tied us up. I didn't think you could do it, but you did. You're clever; I'll give you credit for that. I didn't think any union could close this mill," one of the mill owners is reported as having said to Organizer Yarrow. "You yourself have taught us all we know," replied Yarrow. "We organize on the same plan as you do and we've got you."

One peculiar feature about the great mill strike was that there was absolutely no violence, no law-breaking and no crying of “scab." Just one man was arrested for trespassing, and he imagined that he was standing in a public street. Other strange features were the red ribbons, the daily speech-making and the labor night and day shifts of organizers who received not a red cent for their services.1

P. I.

1" Story of a new labor union," Industrial Union Leaflet No. 16, This article was also reprinted in the Industrial Union Bulletin of April 27, 1907.

In September, 1907, there were undoubtedly not less than 200 locals in the I. W. W. Between September, 1906, and September, 1907, one hundred and eighteen charters were issued to local unions, making the total number of locals chartered since the launching of the organization not less than nine hundred and twenty-eight. It is evident that in this period also the " turnover" of I. W. W. locals was very heavy. There is apparently no report showing the number of locals disbanded during this period. The average membership for 1907 was considerably lower than it was for 1906 and was probably about six thousand. The financial condition of the I. W. W. at this time was indicated by the report of the Secretary-Treasurer to the third convention. For the period from October, 1906, to August, 1907, receipts were given as $30,550.75 and disbursements as $31,578.76.*

Considerable progress had been made in organizing the ccal miners. Secretary Trautmann reported to the third convention that "fourteen unions of coal miners were organized in Illinois, four big organizations in Pennsylvania. three in Texas, two in Kansas, one in Colorado-a total of twenty-four unions with an approximate membership of 2,000. . .," and he went on to the optimistic conclusion

1 This number was reported to the Third Convention by Secretary Trautmann, Official Report No. 1, p. 2, but in the "Report of the I. W. W. to the Stuttgart Congress" (1907) we read “... the organization has now 362 industrial unions and branches organized in thirty-seven states and three provinces of Canada." Industrial Union Bulletin, Aug. 10, 1907, p. 3, col. 3.

2 Industrial Union Bulletin, Sept. 14, 1907, p. 7, col. 1.

3 Secretary-Treasurer St. John put it at 5,931. (Letter dated Feb. 1, 1915) Prof. Barnett makes it 6,700. (Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. xxx, p. 846.) Apparently the administration included the Western Federation of Miners when they reported to the Stuttgart Congress, 28,000 members. Industrial Union Bulletin, Aug. 10, 1907, p. 4. 4 Third Convention Proceedings, Official Report No. 8, p. 2, col. 4.

1

that "the wedge has been driven into the unholy alliance between operators and the United Mine Workers." Later on, when the convention was discussing the United Mine Workers and the conditions in the Illinois coal mines, Trautmann commented on the remarks made by a delegate of a U. M. W. local (No. 1475) which had apparently swung to the I. W. W. He (Trautmann) said:

He represents by a vote of the United Mine Workers an element that is today in rebellion against the United Mine Workers of America, that element being not only that one local which is in rebellion, but three or four or five, and very likely [it] . . . will be followed by at least one-third of the locals in the state of Illinois.2

A few of the problems of policy and internal organization which were discussed at the third convention deserve consideration. Not least important of these was the problem of the Japanese in California. From the very first the I. W. W. had taken a definite stand against any and all discriminations based upon race, color or nationality. Among the first words uttered by Wm. D. Haywood in calling the first I. W. W. convention to order were words of criticism of the American Federation of Labor for its discriminations against Negroes and foreigners. From that day to this the organization has been unique in the constancy and strength of its appeal to and attraction for foreigners. This particular phase of the I.W.W.'s activities has been given endless publicity in connection with the Lawrence and Paterson strikes. At the third convention, George Speed, a delegate from California, quite accurately expressed the sentiment of the organization in regard to the Japanese question. "The whole fight against the Japanese," he said, "is the

1 Industrial Union Bulletin, Sept. 14, 1907, p. 8, col. 3, 4.

2 Proceedings, Third I. W. W. Convention, Official Report No. 1, p. 4.