At the next session, Mr. Douglas, December 23, 1846, again reported his bill, which was read twice and committed. It was discussed in Committee of the Whole, January 11th, 12th, and 13th. The next day, the bill was taken out of Committee, when Mr. Burt, of S. C., moved the following addition (already voted down in Committee) to the clause forbidding Slavery: "Inasmuch as the whole of said Territory lies North of 36 degrees 30 minutes North latitude, known as the line of the Missouri Compromise."

The object of this evidently was to recognize the Missouri line, not as limited to territory owned at the time that line was established, but as extending to all that had since been, or thereafter should be, acquired, so as to legalize Slavery thenceforth South of 36 deg. 30 min. The amendment was negatived: Yeas, 82; nays, 114. From Free States, 5 voted in the minority. No member from a Slave State voted in the majority. The bill then passed, 134 to 35-nays all Southern. This bill, like that of the preceding session, failed to receive the final action of the Senate. At the next session, 1847-1848, Mr. C. B. Smith, of Indiana, reported to the House a bill to establish a Government for Oregon, which, after postponements and other delays, came out of Committee, August 1st, that provision having been struck out which required the inhabitants of the Territory to be "subject to all the conditions, and restrictions, and prohibitions in the articles of compact contained in the ordinance for the government of the territory North-West of the river Ohio, passed July 13, 1787." [Anti-Slavery restriction.] The House refused to agree to this amend ment: Yeas, 88; Nays, 114. Of those who voted for striking out, 5 were from Free States. The bill was then passed, 128 to 71. This vote was entirely sectional, excepting the vote of Mr. Houston, of Del., who voted in the affirmative. In the Senate, the bill was, on motion of Mr. Douglas, amended so as to extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific Ocean, and engrossed for a third reading, 33 to 22. It was returned to the House, where the amendment of Mr. Douglas was rejected: Yeas, 82; rays, 121. From Free States, 3 voted Yea; otherwise all from Free States Nays; and all from the Slave States Yeas. The Senate receded from its amendments, and passed the

bill as it came from the House: Yeas, 29; Nays, 25-all from Slave States.

A bill was reported by Mr. Clayton, in the Senate, for the organization of New Mexico and California into Territories; but it was not acted upon at this session.

At the next session, a bill was introduced into the Senate, December 11, 1848, by Mr. Douglas, for the admission of California as a State, to include all the territory acquired by treaty froin Mexico. This bill was silent on the subject of Slavery. Mr. Davis, of Miss., proposed an amendment to annex New Mexico to Texas. This would have legalized Slavery in that part of the acquired territory. The people of New Mexico had petitioned Congress, remonstrating against being annexed to Texas, and praying to be protected against the introduction of Slavery into their territory. The Senate did not come to a vote on the bill.

A bill was reported in the House by Mr. Smith, of Indiana, to establish a Territorial Government for Upper California, with the Anti-Slavery proviso, which passed the House, 126 to 87. But the session closed without any action upon it after its reference.

The popularity acquired by General Taylor as a military commander in the war with Mexico, had, for two years before the approaching Presidential election, pointed him out to shrewd Whig politicians as an "available" candidate. Having spent nearly the whole period of his manhood in the army, and having never, as was said, cast a vote at an election, he was net, of course, a party politi cian. He seemed, however, to have a leaning toward the Whig party. Being a Southern man, and the Whig party of the North being strongly committed to the Wilmot proviso, or the non-extension of Slavery, it was doubted whether he could obtain a nomination; or if nominated, whether he could be elected. In his replies to numerous interrogatories, he uniformly refused to declare himself a Whig, or to be the exponent of Whig doctrines. He would, if elected, be the President of the nation, and not of a party; and he would make no party pledges.

The Democratic National Convention met at Baltimore, the 22d of May, 1848. As in former Conventions, the

two-thirds rule was adopted. On the fourth ballot, General Cass received 179 votes ; Levi Woodbury, 38 ; James Buchanan, 33; and Gen. Worth, 3, Gen. Wm. 0.

Butler, of Ky., was nominated for Vice- President.

The Whig National Convention met at Philadelphia, the 7th of June. On the first ballot, Gen. Taylor received 111 votes; Mr. Clay, 97; Mr. Webster, 21; Gen. Scott, 46; John M'Lean, 2. After another unsuccessful ballot, further balloting was deferred until the next day, when, on the second ballot of that day, Gen. Taylor received 171 votes; Mr. Clay, 30; Gen. Scott, 63; Mr. Webster, 12. Millard Fillmore was nominated for Vice-President. No resolutions, or platform of principles, was adopted.

A National Mass Convention was held in the city of Buffalo, on the 9th of August, composed of disaffected Democrats and Whigs, who were designated "free-soil men." Martin Van Buren was nominated for President ; Charles Francis Adams for Vice-President.

The views of Gen. Cass on the Slavery issue were stated in a letter to A. O. P. Nicholson, of Tennessee. He had been in favor of the Wilmot Proviso; but had receded from that position, and was opposed to the exercise of any jurisdiction by Congress over Slavery in the Territories; but he would leave to the people of any territory the right to regulate it for themselves.

The views of Gen. Taylor were expressed in a letter to Captain Allison. He was in favor of exercising the veto power only in cases of clear violation of the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by Congress. In respect to the tariff, the currency, and internal improvements, the will of the people, as expressed through their representatives, ought to be respected and carried out by the Executive. On Slavery he was silent.

Of the Presidential electors chosen in November, 163 voted for Taylor and Fillmore; and 127 for Cass and Butler.

CHAPTER VII.

Administration of Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore.

GENERAL ZACHARY TAYLOR was inaugurated as President on the 5th of March, 1849. His Address was short, and partook much of the character of his numerous letters written before his election. He selected for his Cabinet officers the following: John M. Clayton, of Delaware, Secretary of State; Wm. M. Meredith, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, Secretary of the Interior; George W. Crawford, of Georgia, Secretary of War; Wm. B. Preston, of Virginia, Secretary of the Navy; Jacob Collamer, of Vermont, PostmasterGeneral; Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, Attorney-General.

Congress assembled December 3, 1849. Three weeks were spent in fruitless attempts to elect a speaker, when, in order to terminate the contest, it was agreed by the parties to elect by a plurality vote. Howell Cobb, of Georgia, was then elected.

The Message of President Taylor was communicated to Congress the 24th. He recommended the revision of the Tariff to augment the revenue, and the adoption of specific duties. The Sub-Treasury, if continued, needed modification. And a loan was recommended to pay the expenses of the war with Mexico. His policy in regard to the new Territories was, that Congress should await the action of the people themselves in forming Constitutions preparatory to the admission of California and New Mexico. This, he believed, would avoid all causes of uneasiness, and preserve confidence and good feeling. Congress should abstain from the introduction of those exciting topics of a sectional character, which had produced painful apprehensions in the public mind. [He had reference, probably, to the excitement usually produced by the attempts, in form

ing Territorial Governments, to prohibit Slavery. In principle, his plan might be objectionable; practically, it would, in the particular cases then existing, be less liable to objections, as Slavery had been abolished in these Territories by Mexico, and it was not probable that the inhabitants would favor its reëstablishment.]

This session was an eventful one-being distinguished for one of the most liberal concessions ever made to the Slave Power. The proceedings in relation to the new territory and Slavery, occupied a large, if not the larger portion of the session.

Mr. Clay submitted resolutions, eight in number, proposing an "amicable arrangement" of the whole Slavery controversy. Although they were designed as a compromise, they were little else than concession. They were, notwithstanding, unacceptable, as a whole, to the ultra Southerners. In fact, they were opposed by Southern Senators as making no concession to the South-as being no compromise at all! They objected to the admission of California as a State, with a Constitution prohibiting Slavery; unless, as they had the boldness to say, another new Slave State could be laid off within the limits of Texas, so as to keep the present equiponderance between the Slave and Free States; and further, unless all this were done by way of compromise, and in order to save the Union!

Mr. Clay's resolutions were debated for nearly two months; the President having in the meantime communicated to Congress a copy of the Constitution of California. Various propositions having been made by Senators, they were referred to a Select Committee of thirteen, (Mr. Clay Chairman,) who made a report embodying them in a single bill, facetiously termed the "Omnibus bill." It was debated, and part after part eliminated, until it passed the Senate only as A bill to provide for the Territorial Government of Utah." This dismemberment was called " upsetting the Omnibus." Subsequently the other portions of the bill were passed in separate bills. California was ad mitted; a Territorial Government bill for New Mexico was passed; and a bill establishing the boundary of Texas. By this bill a large portion of New Mexico was annexed to Texas to enlarge the area of Slavery, and $10,000,000