CHAPTER II.

Administration of Andrew Jackson.-First Term.

ANDREW JACKSON was inaugurated President of the United States oc the 4th of March, 1829. His promises in his In. augural Address were numerous and proper.

He should regard the limitations of the Executive power; respect the rights of the States; observe strict economy to facilitate the payment of the public debt; show equal favor to agriculture, commerce and manufactures; commend idternal improvement, so far as it could be promoted constitutionally; and, omong other things, would observe toward the Indian tribes within our limits, a just and liberal policy. And he mentioned as one of his prominent duties, “the task of reform; which will require, particularly, the correction of those abuses that have brought the General Government into conflict with the freedom of elections, and the counteraction of those causes which have disturbed the rightful course of appointment, and have placed or continued power in unfaithful or incompetent hands."

The reader who does not understand the nature of the "reform" here alluded to, or "abuses" committed by his predecessor which needed "correction," will soon find an explanation in the manner and extent of the exercise of the appointing power by the new President.

The persons selected for Cabinet officers, were, Martin Van Buren, of N. Y., Secretary of State; Samuel D. Ingham, of Pa., Secretary of the Treasury; John H. Eaton, of Tenn., Secretary of War; John Branch, of N. C., Secretary of the Navy; John M. Berrien, of Ga., Attorney-General; and Wm. T. Barry, of Ky., Postmaster-General. Until this time, the Postmaster-General was not a Cabinet officer. John M'Lean, of Ohio, the incumbent of that office, was appointed an associate Justice of the Supreme Court.

To enable us to judge of the consistency, if not the pro

priety, of the President's conduct, it is necessary to know what were his " antecedents." Although he had never attained great distinction as a civilian, his sentiments on many political subjects had been publicly expressed. On the questions of the tariff and internal improvements, he was among those who were strongly committed in their favor. In 1823, he was in the Senate of the United States, advocating the highest protective duties, while Mr. Clay was in the House engaged so assiduously in pressing through that body the protective tariff of that year. It was then that Gen. Jackson wrote his notable letter to Dr. Coleman, in favor of what was called the "American system;" and to which he had committed himself anew just before his election. The people of Indiana and other Western States, were in favor of the protective system and internal improvements; but as Gen. Jackson had been adopted as a candidate by the people of the Southern States, who were so strongly opposed to these measures, the Senate of Indiana, in January, 1828, requested the Governor to address to Gen. Jackson a letter, "inviting him to state explicitly whether he favors that construction of the Constitution which authorizes Congress to appropriate money for making iuternal improvements in the several States ; and whether he is in favor of a system of protective duties; and whether, if he is elected President, he will, in his public capacity, recommend, foster, and support the American system."

In his answer, the General reässerts his principles as declared in the Coleman letter to which he referred Gov. Ray, sending him a copy, and to which the reader also is referred. The letter is an epitome of the great arguments by which the system is maintained, and is worthy of perusal by every American citizen. The want of space alone forbids its insertion here. [For the letter, see American Statesman, pp. 402, 403.] On this question, his views were the same as those of Mr. Adams.

But there were other principles than those of political economy to which Gen. Jackson was committed, or which he had avowed. In his correspondence with Mr. Monroe, after the election of the latter had been ascertained, he recommended the appointment of men to o&ce without refer

ence to their party attachments. In other words, he was opposed to proscription for opinion's sake.

Mr. Adams having appointed to office several members of Congress who had voted for him as President, Gen. Jackson, in an address to the Tennessee Legislature, in October, 1825, said, in reference to such appointments, that he was in favor of a provision in the Constitution rendering any member of Congress ineligible to office under the General Government during the term for which he was elected, and for two years thereafter. One of the reasons for such prohibition was, that "members, instead of being liable to be withdrawn from legislating upon the great interests of the nation, through prospects of Executive patronage, would be more liberally confided in by their constituents; while their vigilance would be less interrupted by party feelings and party excitements." And he adds, "if important offices continue to devolve on the Representatives in Congress, corruption will become the order of the day."

Before his election, Gen. Jackson had also declared himself opposed to the eligibility of a President to the office for the next term. The object of this restriction was to remove all inducement to use the power of patronage in his hands to secure a reelection.

How nearly the practice of the President corresponded to his previously avowed principles, is well known by those who are familiar with the politics of those times. His " noparty" principle was immediately illustrated in his appointments; in which he adopted a new rule of action, not practiced by any of his predecessors. They had, as was proper, selected for members of the Cabinet, as their political advisers, and as assistants, men who would coöperate with them in executing the laws and in carrying out the general policy of the administration. Gen. Jackson did the same. But immediately after the appointment of his Cabinet, he commenced the removal of incumbents, a considerable number of whose places were filled before the Senate adjourned, (the 17th of March.) During the recess of the Senate, district marshals and attorneys; surveyors, inspectors, and collectors of ports; naval officers; appraisers of goods; receivers of public moneys; auditors, controllers, and clerks in the Executive Departments, were

displaced, and political adherents appointed in their places. And of Postmasters, nearly five hundred were removed during the first year of the administration.

This general removal of political opponents, though severely reprehended and condemned by the opposition party, and referred to as inconsistent with his professed sentiments before his election, was to some no matter of surprise. It had been announced before his election, that he would, if elected, "reward his friends and punish his enemies." Clerks who had held places during successive administrations and changes of parties since the time of Washington, and at a period of life too late to engage in new pursuits, were dismissed to make place for others who, according to the rule, were entitled to "rewards" for party services. The seat of Government swarmed with hungry partisans claiming a share of the crumbs of Executive patronage. Thus early had the public a practical exposition of the promised "reform"-the "correction of those abuses that had brought the General Government into conflict with the freedom of elections." Here was the beginning of the "reward and punishment" system, which has probably done more to corrupt the Government, than all other influences combined. Had Mr. Adams adopted this means to strengthen his party, it is not improbable, he might have secured a reëlection. He had made only two removals, both for cause, during his whole Presidential term. Jefferson, after the Government had been, during its entire previous existence, in the hands of his opponents, removed only thirty-nine, in eight years; and no other President removed more than ten, of whom some were for cause.

Some, to relieve the President from the charge of corruption, have ascribed this contradiction of a professed principle to a certain extraneous influence. The removal system had long prevailed in the State from which he had selected his Secretary of State, who had for many years directed the politics of his State. That an "oily" tactician of a long and successful experience, should obtain a controlling influence over a confiding, unsuspecting chief, is not strange; or that, as was believed, he had become " a power behind the throne greater than the throne itself." From the horror expressed by Gen. Jackson and his

friends at the appointment, by Mr. Adams, of a few mem bers of Congress to office, which had led Congress to call for a list of such appointments "since the foundation of the Government," for the alleged object of enabling Congress to remove an evil said to exist and to be growing, one would suppose this practice would have been scrupulously avoided. But the list transmitted showed, that Mr. Adams had, in thirteen months, to the time of the report, appointed five members of Congress. Gen. Jackson, during the first three months of his term, appointed twelve, and during his administration, about double the number of such appointments made by any of his predecessors, of whom Mr. Monroe had made the highest number, thirty-five. Yet, while pursuing practices so contrary to his professions, he recommended in his first annual Message, an amendment of the Constitution, bringing the election of President directly to the people, prohibiting the appointment of members of Congress, and restricting the service of the President to one term of four or six years. But, objectionable as he seemed to think a reëlection to be, he had not been long in office before he consented to be again a candidate.

Among the subjects noticed in this Message was that of the rechartering of the Bank of the United States. He said, its Constitutionality and its expediency were both questioned, and it had failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency. And he suggested in its stead one founded upon the credit of the Government and its revenues which should "avoid all constitutional difficulties, and secure all the advantages expected from the present Bank." This attack upon the Bank took the country by surprise. The reasons for agitating the subject of its recharter six years before the expiration of its present charter, a period extending two years beyond the close of his official term, and during which three new Congresses must be elected, were for a time incomprehensible to the people. The constitutionality of the Bank, as Mr. Madison supposed when he signed the bill establishing it, had been settled by the decision of the Supreme Court, and by the acquiescence of the people in that decision for a considerable period; nor were the people aware of its failure to create a uniform and sound currency, as its notes were current in all parts of the country.