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the genius of one man, to summon every resource, and exert every skill, for the preservation of their own dominions; on the other, the navy of England traversed the ocean unrestrained, and rode triumphant on every sea. In the fierce animosity of these two great belligerents, the rights of the unoffending neutral were but little respected. And few, ships were found on the ocean except those of the United States and Great Britain. The latter," says a clear, comprehensive, and classical writer, "having always found it impossible to man her numerous fleets by volunteer enlistments, bad been accustomed to resort to impressment, or seizing by force her subjects, and compelling them to serve as sailors on board her ships of war. Soon after the peace of 1783, she claimed a right to search for and seize them, even on board of neutral vessels while traversing the ocean. In the exercise of this pretended right, citizens of the United States, sometimes by mistake and sometimes by design, were seized, dragged from their friends, transported to distant parts of the world, compelled to perform the degrading duty of British sailors, and to fight with nations at peace with their own. Against this outrage upon personal liberty, and the rights of American citizens, Washington, Adams, and Jefferson had remonstrated in vain. The abuse continued, and every year added to its enormity, until a feeling of resentment was aroused worthy the best period of the Roman republick. But not in this mode only were the rights of the United States invaded and their interest sacrificed on the ocean. The carry. ing trade afforded a harvest too rich and too tempting to British cupidity to be long enjoyed unmolested.

American ships carrying to Europe the produce of French colonies, were, in an early stage of the war, captured by British cruisers, and condemned by their courts as lawful prize. Several European ports under the control of France were declared by British orders in council, dated in May, 1806, to be in a state of blockade, although not invested with a British fleet, and American vessels attempting to enter those ports, were also captured and condemned. France and her allies suffered, as well as the United States, from these transgressions against the laws of nations. And her vengeance fell, not so much upon the belligerent inflicting the injury, as upon the neutral enduring without resenting and repelling it. By a decree issued at Berlin, in November, 1806, the French Emperour declared the British islands in a state of blockade, and of course authorized the capture of all neutral vessels attempting to trade with those islands. From these measures of both nations, the commerce of the United States suffered severely, and their merchants loudly demanded redress and protection.

"Bonaparte having declared his purpose of enforcing with rigour the Berlin decree, and the British government having solemnly asserted the right of search and impressment, and having intimated their intention to adopt measures in retaliation of the French decree, Mr. Jefferson recommended to Congress that the seamen, ships and merchandise should be detained in port to preserve them from the dangers which threatened them on the ocean. A law laying an indefinite embargo was in consequence enacted. A hope to coerce the belligerent powers to return to the observance of the

laws of nations, by depriving them of the benefits derived from the trade of America, was doubtless a concurring (and perhaps the strongest) motive for passing the law."

This enactment, at the time of its passage, was received by many with clamour and discontent, and the distress which the people endured from its operation was unmitigated and severe. But the wisdom of the measure was shortly manifested, and before a year had expired, overtures were made by the British government which indicated a disposition to recede from or meliorate their tyrannical edicts. These overtures were succeeded by negotiations, which finally terminated in a repeal of the most objectionable features of the orders in council.

The period had now arrived, when Mr. Jefferson was to enjoy that retirement and philosophick ease which he had so long coveted, and to which he was so ardently attached. Publick employment, and office, had never been his choice, and nothing but duty to his country had ever drawn him from the retreats of Monticello. Believing that no person should hold the office of chief magistrate longer than eight years, he had previously announced his intention that, when his service had completed the stipulated term, he should retire to private life. He had now reached the age of sixty-five years, forty of which had been employed in the arduous duties of publick life. No one had served the country with more industry, zeal, and benefit, and no one had sacrificed more personal comfort for that purpose; and he now retired from the "scene of his glory," before age had dimmed his eye, or impaired his usefulness. He relinquished his high and honourable

station, carrying with him the best wishes of all, and knowing at the same time that his name was associated with the most interesting events in the history of his country, and there was awarded to him unsullied fame and distinguished reputation. His parting language to Congress was as follows:

"Availing myself of this, the last occasion which will occur of addressing the two houses of the legislature at their meeting, I cannot omit the expression of my sincere gratitude, for the repeated proofs of confidence manifested to me by themselves and their predecessors, since my call to the administration, and the many indulgences experienced at their hands. The same grateful acknowledgments are due to my fellow citizens generally, whose support has been my great encouragement under all embarrassments. In the transaction of their business, I cannot have escaped errour. It is incident to our imperfect nature. But I may say with truth, my errours have been of the understanding, not of intention; and that the advancement of their rights and interests has been the constant motive of every measure. On these considerations, I solicit their indulgence. Looking forward with anxiety to their future destinies, I trust, that in their steady character, unshaken by difficulties, in their love of liberty, obedience to law, and support of publick authorities, I see a sure guarantee of the permanence of our republick; and retiring from the charge of their affairs, I carry with me the consolation of a firm persuasion, that Heaven has in store for our beloved country, long ages to come of prosperity and happi

ness."

CHAPTER V.

FROM this period, with the exception of excursions which business required, Mr. Jefferson passed the rest of his life altogether at Monticello; which was a continued scene of the blandest and most liberal hospitality. Into this retirement of his domestick life we cannot penetrate, unless through the medium of his correspondence. Of this, fortunately, we are left in possession, and there is a charm and interest thrown about his letters written at this time, which amply compensate for their perusal. There is in them, said a competent judge, after their perusal, so much remembrance of the labours and excitements of earlier days; so much living over past times in the pleasant and somewhat pensive garrulity of age; so much clinging after old affections not yet chilled, and gathering again around him what had been casually dropped in the bustling journey of life; such ardent desires to retain the attachments which yet remained, to renew those that had been weakened by accident and time, and to weave more strongly in his heart the affections which were rapidly becoming more few; that we have turned to them again and again, and have entered fully into the feeling with which he contended, even to the last, to take up his pen in affectionate communion with his