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years only, to lay a foundation so broad and so undisguised for tyranny over a people fostered and fixed in principles of freedom.

"Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend [an unwarrantable] a jurisdiction over [us] these our states. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here, no one of which could warrant so strange à pretension: that these were effected at the expense of our own blood and treasure, unassisted by the wealth or the strength of Great Britain: that in constituting indeed our several forms of government, we had adopted one common King, thereby laying a foun dation for perpetual league and amity with them: but that submission to their parliament was no part of our constitution, nor ever in idea, if history may be credited and we [have] appealed to their native justice and magnanimity as well as to [and we have conjured them by] the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which were likely to [would inevitably] interrupt our connexion and correspond

ence.

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity; and when occasions have been given them, by the regular course of their laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our harmony, they have, by their free election, re-established them in power. At this very time, too, they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only soldiers of our common blood, but Scotch and foreign mercenaries, to invade and destroy us.

These facts have given the last stab to agonizing affection, and manly spirit bids us to renounce for ever these unfeeling brethren. We must endeavour to forget our former love for them, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war; in peace, friends. We might have been a free and a great people together; but a communication of grandeur and of freedom, it seems, is below their dignity. Be it so, since they will have it. The road to happiness and to glory is open to us too. We will tread it apart from them, and [we must therefore] acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our eternal separation, [and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war; in peace, friends!]

"We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled, [appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions,] do in the name and by the authority of the good people of these states, [colonies,] reject and renounce all allegiance and subjection to the Kings of Great Britain, and all others who may hereafter claim by, through, or under them; we utterly dissolve all political connexion which may heretofore have subsisted between us and the parliament of Great Britain; and finally, we do assert [solemnly publish and declare] that these United Colonies are, [and of right ought to be,] free and independent states; [that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved;] and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy

war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish com merce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do.

"And for the support of this declaration, [with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence,] we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour."

The Declaration thus signed on the 4th on paper, was engrossed on parchment, and signed again on the 2d of August.

Such was this famous declaration of the independence of the United States of America, which, necessary as it appears to have been, says Botta, was not, however, exempt from peril: for although the greater part of America perceived that the course of things must have led to this extremity, there were still many who openly manifested contrary sentiments. And they were, unfortunately, more numerous in the provinces menaced by Great Britain than in any other. The American armies were feeble, the treasury poor, foreign succours uncertain, and the ardour of the people might abate all

at once.

It was known that England was determined to exert all her forces for the reduction of the colonies, before they should have time to become confirmed in their rebellion, or to form alliances with foreign powers. If the American arms, as there was but too much reason to fear, should prove unfortunate in the ensuing campaign, it could not be disguised that the people would lay it to the charge of independence; and that, according to the ordinary operations of the human mind, they

would rapidly retrogade towards the opinions they had abjured. When despair once begins, the prostration of energy follows as its immediate consequence. But the war was inevitable, all arrangement impossible, and the Congress urged by necessity to take a decisive resolution. On every side they saw dangers, but they preferred to brave them for the attainment of a determinate object, rather than trust any longer to the uncertain hope of the repeal of the laws against which they were in arms.

For it was even difficult to designate which of these laws were to be revoked. Some desired to have all those repealed which had been passed since the year 1763; others only proscribed a part of them; and there were still others whom a total abrogation would not have satisfied, and who wished also for the abolition of some ancient statutes. In the heat of debates, propositions had been advanced to which it was impossible that Great Britain should ever consent. Nor can

it be denied, that the declaration of independence was conformable to the nature of things. Circumstances would not have endured much longer, that a people like that of America, numerous, wealthy, warlike, and accustomed to liberty, should depend upon another at a great distance, and little superiour in power. The English ministry could not shut their eyes to it; and such, perhaps, was the secret reason of their obduracy in attempting to load their colonies with heavier chains. It is also certain, that foreign princes would not have consented to succour, or to receive into their alliance, a people who acknowledged themselves the subjects; whereas it might be expected that they would

unite to those of a nation, determined, at all hazards, to obtain the recognition of its liberty and independence. In the first case, even victory would not have given allies to the Americans; in the second, they were assured of them only by showing themselves resolved to sustain their cause with arms in hand.

And none were more sensible of the difficulties and dangers which surrounded them than the heroick men who had affixed their signatures, either to their country's success, or their own destruction. Dr. Thacher, in his Military Journal, relates a circumstance which may show the acuteness of their feelings, though disguised under the sportive bitterness of raillery. "Mr. Harrison, a delegate from Virginia," writes the doctor, "is a large portly man. Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, is slender and spare. A little time after the solemn transaction of signing the instrument, Mr. Harrison said smilingly to Mr. Gerry-' when the hanging scene comes to be exhibited, I shall have the advantage over you on account of my size: all will be over with me in a moment, but you will be kicking in the air a half an hour after I am gone.'"

But, as to the disposition of the people themselves, the reception given to this celebrated paper on its promulgation, must have justified the hopes of the most ardent, and dispelled the fears of the most timid. It was every where hailed with joy, gladness, and enthusiasm; and the most cautious, if they allowed the ceṛtainty of an impending struggle, admitted its necessity and its great advantage. Nor were there any of those publick demonstrations omitted which governments are accustomed to employ on similar occasions, to con

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