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more active fronts supplied have been so great that the continued supply of this army is a serious problem. The efficiency of ocean tonnage is in inverse proportion to the distance which has to be traveled, and in this case the distance is so great that at least twice the number of men can be maintained in France by the same tonnage necessary to supply the army in Saloniki. This is at least one reason for the continued inactivity.

WHAT ABOUT
UT NEXT YEAR?

I have sketched, hastily and without detail, the principal fields of activity largely that we may retain in our minds what has been accomplished during the year so that we may have a fair basis for conclusions as to the true condition as of the time this is being written. First there is the consideration of man power on the different fronts. The German strength on the western front, not including what might be termed general reserves located in the more important bases, can be seen from the diagram on the preceding page.

Roughly, it is somewhat more than a million men, while at least that number are in the main bases. Against this number there are approximately two million British and three million French. There is this difference, however: while the German total is more than two million, there is nothing left to replace losses. There is no free reserve, there are no means of repairing wastage. The French are in very much the same condition. It is doubtful whether France can keep her present numbers in the field unimpaired more than a very few months longer. This condition constitutes the great necessity for sending American troops to Europe as fast' as there is available transport. The British, however, have ample reserves from which to draw in order that their superiority in numbers may be maintained. The present preponderance in numbers will therefore not only be maintained in 1918 but will be gradually increased as American troops become fit to move up into the trenches. When the campaign opens next spring, Germany is certain to find herself outnumbered about three to one. These troops, too, will be superior to her own. They will all be forces which have tasted victory, which have been plowing through the German lines for months, and who know that Germany's best is in no wise sufficient to hold them back. The question of morale

thus introduced will, as it has ever done in the past, play a not unimportant part.

A GREAT SUPERIORITY IN ARTILLERY

As to artillery, there is no question of the great superiority of that of the Allies. Powerful in the Somme fighting, it has been even more so during the last year. Over the entire fighting front the British heavy guns are only about six yards apart and they were throwing, during the series of battles for the Paschendaele ridge, nearly five tons of metal for every yard of front attacked to not more than half that amount by the Germans. On the French front the same general condition prevails. Coupled with all this is the superiority in air service which is an important adjunct to the artillery arm. Not only are the Allies able to correct the inaccuracy of fire of their own gunners, but to a large extent they prevent the German airmen from performing a like service. This is shown conclusively by the fact that nearly all the air battles are fought over the German lines and few German machines are brought down within the Allied lines. Both in men and in the mechanics of war, then, the Allies in the west have a superiority that, with the assistance they have a right to expect from other fronts, should give them a deciding advantage.

AUSTRIA BLED WHITE

On the Italian front, due to the crushing defeat administered in October and November, practically nothing may be expected next year. With Russia in a state of quiescent transition both Austria and Germany are able to concentrate the bulk of their forces against Italy without exposing their lines elsewhere to the slightest danger in consequence. Austria, it is true, is much more nearly bled white than is France, and the Austrians alone are utterly unable to hold the Italians back. This was shown in August when against the concentration of practically the full Austrian strength the Italians ploughed their way through almost insuperable obstacles to the point of endangering the entire Austrian army. But against the flood of German reinforcements Italy will be strained to the limit to hold her own. Especially is this true because of the great loss of artillery sustained in her defeat. By November 1st this loss was estimated at 1,000 guns and it is a loss that is almost irreparable due to Italy's lack of war material and the scarcity

of ocean tonnage by which means alone she can secure an uninterrupted stream. But the danger is more than Italy's alone. To prevent the conquest in Northern Italy and the consequent threat against the southern wing of the battle line in France, the French and British must rush to Italy's aid, even at the expense of the front in France. The result may be that the spring offensive on the latter front will be vitally affected.

On the Russian front there is nothing but chaos and but few comparisons can possibly be drawn. The Russian army, formerly estimated at nine million men, has been reduced to five million, and these cannot be counted upon to fight. There is no generally recognized authority and but little discipline. Even if there were, there is a conspicuous absence of the machinery for enforcing it. The present status of the Russian army is that of an uncontrolled mob which fights or not as it may choose. Against this military pot-pourri, the Germans have probably about two million men, the Austrians not one fourth of this number. In artillery the Russians are hopelessly inferior. Hundreds of guns were shamefully abandoned in the retreat from Halicz and from Bukovina, and great accumulations of shell were either allowed to fall in German hands or were destroyed. The most serious drawback is the transportation system, which, through strikes on the part of the workers, has fallen below 40 per cent. of what it was a year ago. Change after change has taken place in Russia with such kaleidoscopic frequency that it is impossible to form any opinion as to what may happen. But there is not the slightest indication that the Russian eggs can be unscrambled in sufficient time to permit this socialist-ridden state to be of the slightest value to the Entente next year.

THE OUTLOOK IN MESOPOTAMIA

On the Mesopotamian front, the situation is to a large extent in Russia's keeping. The British have on this front nearly a half million men. This is a far greater number than is popularly supposed, but these figures may be taken as authentic. The Russian strength is problematical-probably about the same but in the same general condition as is the army of the west. The Turks have certainly not more than half of this combined force. The supply situation, however, is one difficult of solution both as regards food and war ma

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terials. The artillery of the British is certainly more numerous than is that of the Turks, due in part to the heavy loss by the Turks in the retreat up the Tigris. But as the war in this theatre is open and strategy has a wider play, artillery is not needed on the same scale as in the other fields.

THE “IRON RING" THEORY

It

With these general conditions on the various fronts in mind, what is the most that the new year can bring to either side? As far as the Entente is concerned, any conjecture as to next year must be made from an understanding of the relation of the various fronts to the geographical location of the battle lines. is a phrase oft repeated and true, although it produces an impression not altogether accurate, that Germany is surrounded by an iron ring. This ring has been Germany's great asset while at the same time promising to be her greatest peril. The advantage lies in the fact that the Central Powers, by virtue of their interior position, with short lines of communications and accessible bases of supplies, were able to shift troops about literally like men on a chess board, using them where they would do the most good and meeting, with a minimum of delay, a threat at any particular point. The Allies had found and had demonstrated in the 1916 campaigns that there was but one way to combat this advantage effectively and that was by exerting about the circumference of this ring a continuous pressure so that, under the strain of keeping all points at maximum strength simultaneously, the ring would break. Any plans of the Allies for a general campaign must be predicated upon this plan of uniform pressure. Otherwise, in spite of local superiority, the advantage is apt still to lie with Germany, even though it be a temporary advantage. This can be effected only through the coöperation of Russia. But how can we count upon Russia? It is difficult enough for a democracy to wage successful war. In fact it is impossible unless democracy is willing for the period of hostilities to cease to be a democracy and to concentrate the powers of government into an autocrat of its own selection. But when instead of democracy we have the socialistic State, ruled over by those who have theories which they are not willing to put in practice, whose fine ideals are not sufficiently fine to be worth fighting for, a State the government

of which contains every form and element of socialist from conservative to anarchist, war becomes an impossible pursuit.

PROSPECTS ON THE WESTERN FRONT

We can imagine all sorts of things, but that Russia will be a military factor in the war next year is not one of them. Therefore, as this speculation is based on probabilities, we will assume that Russia cannot be counted on and that, therefore, the other Allies will have to fight the 1918 campaign alone. On the western front many things are within the bounds of reason. Haig's offensive in Flanders is certain of success. The fullest measure of success would be a German retirement as far east as the Scheldt Canal. The German right flank in such a case would rest at Neuzen, and the line would pass through Ghent, Valenciennes, and St. Quentin. This would not of itself necessarily change the battle line south of the latter point. But the French effort against Laon offers also reasonable hope of success. Should the evacuation of this point be forced, there is a possibility that the German line might be compelled to retire behind the Meuse through Namur and Antwerp, thus making the line above Verdun almost a straight continuation of that running through the Vosges. If this were accomplished it would be a year of great victory for the Allies. It is the maximum that could be hoped for by the most optimistic, but it would not end the war. If the war is to be concluded by a military decision and not by political conditions (and this seems highly probable), I do not believe a decision can be gained until Germany is forced behind the Rhine and thus compelled to vacate Lorraine and the Metz valley. The reason is steel. Germany's greatest source of iron is the mines of Lorraine. Without these mines she would not have sufficient iron for her needs. Her supply of shells would commence to dwindle, her railroads go to pieces so that transportation would fail, her guns would soon wear out and could not be replaced. The end in such a case would come and come quickly. But there does not seem to be anything in the military situation, as I see it, that gives the slightest ground for hope that this can be accomplished under the most favorable circumstances before the close of the 1919 campaign, if then.

But

more quickly by defeating Austria and for-
cing peace. But this does not seem likely.
Italy is struggling now with the combined
strength of Germany and Austria and it is
dependent somewhat on how well she stands
this strain what she can do next year.
with the situation in Russia as it is, this com-
bination can continue to join hands against
her, and in this case the Italians will be
able to help but little. The part which the
United States will play next year will prob-
ably not affect the situation materially.
Not until the year following will her full force
be felt.

GERMANY'S ONE HOPE

Germany, of course, will not be idle during this period. Although official Germany feeds nonsense to her civilian population as to the impotence of the United States, the German leaders are fully aware of what the United States can do and will do toward reinforcing the strength of the western Allies. Something therefore must be done before the dreaded time of defeat arrives. Germany cannot take the offensive except in isolated sectors and then only as a defensive measure. Her single chance is to induce Russia to make a separate peace.

This will not force the Allies to make peace, however. But Germany's hope is that if this can be brought about, the war can be so prolonged that the Allies will become so tired of it all, if not exhausted, that they will be willing to make a compromise peace rather than to continue to work for a military decision. In the meantime, it is logical to suppose that Germany will so plan matters that she will suffer as little punishment as possible on the fronts where the Allied superiority is most marked. For this reason also, as well as because of the great pressure of the British and French artillery, we shall probably see Germany, before the 1918 campaign opens, dodging the Allies' blows by another retreat. This at least. will delay somewhat the fructification of the Allies' plans by forcing new preparations against the new positions. To this extent and this extent only time favors Germany. But should German reasoning fail, and it must be made to fail, the passage of time will serve only to increase the strength of the Entente to the point where Germany can be completely crushed and peace and interItaly might bring about a solution somewhat national decency restored to the world.

AMERICAN LEADERS IN THE

WORLD WAR

PORTRAITS IN COLOR OF

Vice Admiral William S. Sims, U. S. N.
General John J. Pershing, U. S. A.

Major General William L. Sibert, U. S. A.
Major General William A. Mann, U. S. A.

Paintings by Gordan Studios, New Yor

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