trations would continue men in office who could not justify their work before Congress. And Congress by keeping in close touch with the administrative departments would be able to encourage ability, prevent mistakes, and legislate more effectively and with greater knowledge. Congress has a great opportunity within its grasp to grow in importance and responsibility and to render a great service to the United States and to civilization.

Concrete Ships Making Progress

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O WHAT extent might concrete ships help to solve our shipping problem? Concrete vessels may be built quickly and cheaply; material is readily available; concrete is fireproof, rat-proof, and rot-proof, and withstands hard usage. The practicability of concrete barges and the smaller types of self-propelling freighters has been proven by practice though the value of concrete for large ships is yet to be shown.

It is interesting that the first example of what is now called reënforced concrete was a small boat, built by a Frenchman in 1849. Prior to 1900 several barges of less than 100 tons were in use in Italy and Holland. In 1900 a 200-ton barge for river traffic was built in Germany, and to-day concrete barges varying in capacity up to 700 tons are used in the Panama Canal, the Welland Ship Canal, and the Manchester Ship Canal in England, and in the harbors of San Francisco, Baltimore, and Sydney, New South Wales.

But

But the last year has demonstrated the true possibilities of concrete boats. A company in California will soon launch a 5,000-ton self-propelling vessel for ocean service. But Scandinavia is taking the lead in this new industry. In that country several companies advertise that they will build concrete ships for ocean travel as large as 5,000 tons, and early this year they will launch several ships, of three and four thousand tons, equipped with Diesel engines. One 400-ton Scandinavian ship has already received a Lloyd's rating. The English and French governments, it is rumored, are planning to construct a fleet of concrete barges and coastwise selfpropelling ships. And it has even been suggested in England that mammoth concrete barges of 15,000 or 20,000 tons' displacement be built for train ferries between England and Gothenburg.

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Save for the Next Liberty Loan

HE determination of the American people to see the war through to the right ending will be tested by the third Liberty Loan-the first loan of 1918. We are now past the first burst of enthusiasm; we have settled down to the grim business of war. We have reached the point where the real sentiment of the people will be reflected in their actions, and there must be no occasion for doubt in Germany as to what that sentiment is. The time has come for each one to do his or her part. Less than ten million people subscribed for the first two loans. It is not just a question of furnishing money. It is a question of backing the Government with the clear declaration that we will give everything needed to rid the world forever of this German menace. The next loan affords the best opportunity to show that determination unmistakably to the world, to cheer our hardpressed Allies, and to hasten our participation in the war on the scale necessary for final victory.

If

Now is the time to begin thinking about this third Liberty Loan and to start saving for it. It will come within the next two months. Saving that is done for it now is better than saving done for it afterward. we have the money ready to pay for the bonds in full when they are offered, then we do not tie up bank funds to finance our purchases. And saving done now rather than later means that the material and labor, which would have been bought by that money were it not saved, is released that much sooner to increase the supply of labor and material available for war purposes. Those are the things which the Government needs, and to do one's part, those are the things which the individual must really save. The man who sells other securities to buy Liberty Bonds does not do half as much as the man who saves and buys Liberty Bonds. The man who buys the other securities from him may be doing more than he, provided he saves the money to buy them with. For by saving the money he saves labor and material for the Governmentsaves the things with which the war must be fought.

The man or woman who buys a $1,000 Liberty Bond provides the Government with sufficient funds to equip twenty-five soldiers with two rifles apiece, or a full company with

one hundred rounds of ammunition. The man who buys $20,000 of bonds can say that he provides for the full clothing of a company; about $15,000 more will fully equip it. If the money to buy these bonds is saved from current earnings, then the individual can say that the labor and material needed to manufacture this clothing and equipment have actually been given to the Government. The money is only loaned.

With the next loan we will soon again have an opportunity to show our national determination to win the war. Every day we individually have the opportunity by saving to make our determination the more effective.

Don't Give Up Your Liberty Bonds

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READER of the WORLD'S WORK has written an interesting letter from Louisville, Ky., in which he says:

"I happen to know quite a trade has been done by local musical firms handling Victrolas and piano-players in Liberty Bonds during this Christmas season, the securities received in payment being immediately sold to the banks for cash at regular market rates. Now, are not these merchants defeating the very purpose for which Liberty Bonds were issued in encouraging people to part with them in this way?"

An example of the attempts to justify this use of Liberty Bonds is contained in the following paragraph from the Louisville Herald.

One hundred dollars, buried in the napkin of a Liberty Bond, is dead until the war is over and the bond is mature. It can render no further service to the Nation. But, if that $100 of credit, which was created when the bond was purchased from the Government, is spent and put into active circulation, it is entirely possible that it may change hands every day-leaving a service profit at every change of hands-thus rendering a continuous national service through multiplying profits and providing the prosperity which can pay its share of the war taxes, or buy the new issues of bonds, and enable us to pay the Nation's war debts without depleting our capital.

The writer's idea is that Liberty Bonds should be used as currency and that every time a person gets one in the course of trade he has helped the Government, and that every man who gives one in trade has likewise done his duty. If this were true we should also be

helping win the war every time we either received or spent a five-dollar bill. War is not as easy as that.

The Government wants to have some one actually save money which represents labor or materials, and buy Liberty Bonds and keep them for a later date, for the Government needs more labor and material than it can pay for at present by taxation. The Government does not need any more currency. The Federal Reserve system is sufficiently elastic to furnish all necessary currency without recourse to the use of Liberty Bonds. The stores in Louisville and the papers there have hurt the Government, not helped it, by encouraging people to give up their bonds for merchandise.

Secretary McAdoo, of the Treasury, recently said: "I hope that the merchants of the country, upon a more careful consideration of the subject, will discontinue their efforts to sell merchandise and take Liberty Loan Bonds in payment," adding that, though he has no doubt that merchants offering to take Liberty Loan Bonds in exchange for merchandise are actuated by patriotic motives, such transactions tend to defeat a primary object of the bond sales, as they discourage thrift and increase expenditures.

Canada Decides to Stay in the War

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ANADA'S overwhelming defeat of her several disloyal elements, united under the leadership of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, has both a sentimental and a practical significance. Had the Canadian electorate refused to support the splendid Canadian army, this refusal would have been one of the basest betrayals in history. Sir Robert Borden's defeat would also have meant Canada's elimination from the fighting forces. Up to date Canada has sent about 350,000 men to France; with these the Dominion has kept four divisions, about 80,000 men, constantly in the field. In order to maintain these forces-for the wastage rate is a very large one-Canada has constantly to send fresh troops to France. The experience of the last year has demonstrated that she cannot obtain these new men by the voluntary system; recruiting has reached practically an end, and without conscription the four Canadian divisions would gradually disappear, and Canada, in a comparatively short time, would be unrepresented

in the armies where she has rendered such heroic service. Now that a popular vote has endorsed the conscription policy, Canada will not only have the men to fill up the depleted ranks in her four divisions, but will be able to organize a fifth. Her strength in the fighting line will stand at 100,000 for the rest of the war. Canada introduced several new ideas in this election-methods which, although they may shock those Americans who are sticklers for constitutional principles, yet indicate that our northern neighbors are doing much straight thinking in this present crisis. The Dominion is plagued, as are we, by thousands of people who have conscientious and religious scruples against bearing arms. The Borden Government does not force these citizens to enter the army; it did, however, disfranchise them in the recent election. "If you do not care to defend your country, you shall not be permitted to vote to prevent others from doing so," seems to be the philosophy back of this proviso. Canada also found a short way with her German-Canadians, AustrianCanadians, and other hyphenates. The mere fact that these aliens, the majority of whom were believed to be hostile to the war, held citizenship 'papers was not regarded as giving them the right to vote. The election law provided that no citizens born in enemy countries who had lived less than fifteen years in Canada should exercise the suffrage. On the other hand, the Canadian army contains many thousands of young men who were nonresidents of Canada when they enlisted, in particular Englishmen who had recently arrived and Americans who had crossed the border for this express purpose. The election law gave these men the right to vote, the principle being that "any man who is good enough to fight for Canada is good enough to vote for her." In this recent election, therefore, many American citizens have cast their first Canadian ballot. The new election enfranchised, also, all nurses engaged in war work and every wife, widow, daughter, mother, and sister of any man who had served in the ranks. A single soldier might thus be the means of giving the vote to half a dozen women and even more. These regulations may seem rather drastic, yet they merely mean that, in this present trying-out time, Canada recognizes only two classes of citizens—those who are fighting for her and those who are fighting against her.

Polonius as Mayor of New York

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HE inauguration of Mayor Hylan in New York City marked the low point of the cycle which goes on in municipal government in this country-the only cheerful thing about the situation being that this low point is not as low as the last one, for it is true that, in spite of ups and downs, the general tendency of our municipal life in America is up. The new Mayor signalized his inauguration by reading to his newly selected commissioners an assortment of sententious maxims that suggest Polonius's advice to his son. Officials Officials "must not loll in city automobiles with big cigars in their mouths.' "They must not be conspicuous at baseball games when they should be in their offices." "They must not spend two hours at luncheon." "They must use city automobiles for city business only." "They must show no discourtesy or arrogance to callers." "They must dispense with the service of so-called efficiency experts.' ." "They must observe simplicity in office accommodations and furniture." "They shall be at their desks at nine o'clock and shall spend their time until five on work for the city." "They shall refrain from catering to any newspaper or making alliance with any." "All subordinates shall refrain from advertising themselves in any way." "They must write the record of this Administration, not in the frothy . literature of hired promoters, but in the concrete things with which our Government must deal."

Mayor Hylan accompanied these sayings with a list of the subordinates whom he had selected to give them reality. The great majority were men who pretty well represented all the evils against whom the "inaugural address" was directed. They were for the larger part old-time Tammany Hall politicians. Mayor Hylan officially proclaimed efficiency and industry as the guiding stars of the next four years, and then chose Tammany Hall district leaders and veteran political hacks as the men who are to accomplish this great revolution in city administration. With all his high-sounding phrases about "making New York yearn for democracy," the Mayor's first act has been to delegate his power over appointments to Charles F. Murphy, leader of Tammany Hall, and to John H. McCooey, leader of the Tammanyized Democratic organization in Brooklyn.

Apparently, therefore, these facts give us the complete mental and moral stature of New York's new mayor. On one side a taste for windy platitudes, on the other a considerable subserviency to the sinister forces that lifted him from obscurity to the Mayor's office. America's greatest city is evidently in for four years of "democracy," of the Jack Cade brand. The one evidence that Tammany has progressed is that furnished by the man selected to be the new police commissioner. This is Mr. Frederick H. Bugher, a man whose personal reputation is high, and whom it would be difficult to picture as handing over the great city to the forces of the underworld. His appointment evidently means that Tammany has concluded that the old days of a 'wide open" town, with a regular tariff of blood money levied upon thieves, saloon keepers, gamblers, and prostitutes, have gone forever. Arthur Woods has abolished graft and made the police department efficient and clean; Tammany has decided that it will be "good politics" to keep it so. The public conscience has advanced to a point where the association of government with the criminal classes cannot be tolerated. This gradual improvement of standards is, after all, the only thing that counts in a democracy; so the existing situation in New York is not so discouraging as it might at first seem.

How Finance Settlers on Farm Lands?

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USTRALIA has appropriated 100 million dollars to buy and make ready farms for returning soldiers. This, for a population of five million, is equivalent to an appropriation of two billion dollars in the United States. The Australian Government has done this, not as an act of charity, but to meet conditions that we are facing and shall face in this country. These conditions are:

(1) The growth of absentee ownership and tenant farming.

(2) The disappearance, under economic maladjustment, of self-respecting white farm

labor.

(3) The economic waste of the present system of speculative ownership of farm lands by men who do not farm them but hold them for a rise in price.

Australia has substituted a better system. So also have the British in the case of Ireland, the Danes, and the New Zealanders. In these countries, the governments have bought land in large areas, subdivided them into farms and farm laborers' allotments, leveled the land, built the roads and houses, seeded part of each body to crops, and then sold them to actual settlers, on long-time payments-so long that a practical farmer of small means can acquire ownership without heart-rending

in France?

OU can get a photographic print of any picture which you see published in the press marked, "The Committee on Public Information," for ten cents apiece. The description of the pictures sent out by the Government is as follows:

"The pictures themselves will be excellent in material and workmanship, size 6 x 8 inches, 'photographed on double weight paper, beautifully finished, ready for framing or insertion in albums"; and the gentleman from whom they can be had is L. E. Rubel, Director, Division of Pictures, Committee on Public Information, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Rubel suggested that the WORLD'S WORK call the attention of its readers to this service offered by the Government, which we do with pleasure, for we believe that there are many people to whom these photographs will be interesting and valued possessions.

mental activities has been to build up a rural citizenry that is prosperous, contented, and productive. The essence of their success is that the Government's credit is used to finance the farmer at interest rates which he can pay; and that only men are allowed to hold the land who live on it and make it produce. In this they are further aided by the advice of Government-paid agricultural experts, by standardized breeds of cattle and seeds, and by economical standardized plans for buildings. The plan costs the Government nothing, as all it spends comes back in payments from the farmers.

In the United States, farmers pay from 8 to 25 per cent. interest, as against the 4 and 5 per cent. of State enterprises. They buy land at speculative values instead of productive values. The land is not ready for cropping, and the farmer's meagre funds are often exhausted in clearing and leveling instead of going at once into productive labor. This condition still holds despite the work

of the Federal Farm Loan Board recently started by the Government, for its operations, though immensely helpful to farmers, do not meet the problems of the settler.

A bill was lately brought before Congress to give both state and national aid to land colonization after the pattern of the successful enterprises abroad. This bill provides that the Federal Government shall lend the states money with which to buy, improve, and settle the land, and that the Federal Government shall construct and manage all public works, such as irrigation systems. The state governments shall select the lands, buy them, improve them, and choose the settlers, and be responsible to the Federal Government for the return of the money lent to them.

The problem of returning two million soldiers to civil life when the war is over would alone make this bill vital to the future of the country. But the bill strikes also at the roots of notorious and costly evils in the whole structure of rural life in America. It should be understood by every citizen. The simplest way to learn about it is to get from the American Economic Association, Ithaca, N. Y., the report of the addresses, before the recent annual meeting in Philadelphia, of Prof. Elwood Mead, which states the case for Government direction, and of Prof. Richard T. Ely, which states the case against it. Whether or not this specific bill is the proper remedy, there is a vital necessity for some comprehensive plan.

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The Piggly Wiggly Stores

HE Piggly Wiggly stores sound as if their origin was Mother Goose. But in fact they originated in Memphis, Tenn., and there is far more in the idea that they represent than the name implies.

When a customer goes into a Piggly Wiggly grocery store she usually carries a basket and, if not, she can get one inside. Once within she is confronted with shelves and bins of groceries in packages with prices plainly marked, but no clerks to wait on her. She merely takes what she wants and puts it in her basket. The way out, and the only way out, is by the cashier, who looks at her purchases and takes her money. There is no delay, no wrapping unless the buyer does it, no delivery, no clerks, and no clerks' expense. The customer gets her goods quickly and cheaply. The store

does its business efficiently and cheaply. The Piggly Wiggly stores sell at lower prices than normal grocery stores. They must get customers and they can because their expenses are so low. An account of their operations in Printers' Ink says:

For the week ending October 6, the total expense for the nine stores then operating in Memphis was $795.11. The net sales were $25,429.90, which leaves the cost of doing business only 3.12 per cent. The highest cost of any store was 5.27 per cent. and the lowest 2.31. Salaries, $494.85; ice, $46.20; light, $21.74; rent, $180.82; sundries, $24.32; telephone, $11.81; water, $1.67.

The first store in a town is called "King," the second, "Prince," and the rest are numbered. The color scheme is blue and white, both inside and out. The queer name, "Piggly Wiggly," was selected because of its attention-getting value and because it is difficult to imitate. Patrons of the store take a basket when coming in, if they do not bring one, and after going through a turnstile pass through a series of aisles and before shelves, bins, counters, refrigerators, etc. There is a swinging price tag before each article and every piece of merchandise is within the convenient reach of the customer. To get out of the store the buyer has to pass before the cashier.

Like everything else about these unusual stores, the advertising is decidedly different. Mr. Saunders [the founder of the Piggly Wiggly system of stores] believes strongly in advertising his ideas and the enterprises with which he is connected. He has a strikingly individual style. Some might call some of the copy bizarre. Usually generous space is employed which is packed with reading matter. The Piggly Wiggly advertisements are copyrighted, and are part of the system.

As an experiment in distribution, Piggly Wiggly is interesting and is worth watching. As a retail system that demonstrates the easy salability of advertised goods, its initial success speaks volumes. But just how wide the field is for stores that eliminate absolutely all service and thus keep selling expense down to a minimum remains to be seen.

When this is compared to the normal 12 to 20 per cent. of expense necessary in the conduct of the ordinary grocery store, it becomes plain why the Piggly Wiggly grocery-cafeteria plan can reduce prices.

The cost of producing what we eat, wear, and use is often not as great as the cost of selling these things to us. Most of our effort at economy has been expended on production. The bigger field for economy is in selling, and in this field the Piggly Wiggly stores are an interesting and hopeful experiment.